Transitions Online_Around the Bloc-Mirjana Markovic, Milosevic’s Partner in Life and Power, Dies at 76
Slobodan Milosevic’s widow wielded great influence in her own right and faced allegations of complicity in liquidating his critics.
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Slobodan Milosevic’s widow wielded great influence in her own right and faced allegations of complicity in liquidating his critics.
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Based on documents retrived from the Romanian archives, our study is trying to to analyzethe main views promoted by Nikita S. Khrushchev towards the boundaries between the communist states. Thus, we analyzed the speech delivered by the Soviet leader on March 7, 1959 in Leipzig, as well as the message addressed by Khrushchev to the Heads of State on December 31, 1963. In addition, we analyzed thedifferent views, regarding the border issues between the socialist states, promoted during the Preparatory Conference held in Bucharest (June 24-26, 1960), as well as during the Moscow Meeting of the Communist and Workers’ Parties (November 1960). As case studies we chose China, Yugoslavia, Poland, Romania, Hungary and the USSR, focusing our attention on how the border issues influenced the dynamics of political and diplomatic relationswithin the communist camp until Khrushchev’s debacle.
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Par latviešiem nereti sacīts, ka mēs esot dziedātāju tauta, dziesma līdzējusi bargu kungu laikus pārciest, dziesma palīdzēja modināt tautu trešajai atmodai, un itin bieži dzirdami teicieni par dziesmoto revolūciju. Taču latvieši tikpat bijuši teātra spēlētāji un teātra mīļotāji, kā vecais Ādolfs — mūsu teātra tēvs Ādolfs Alunāns — latviešiem lika teātri iemīļot, tā šī mīlestība nav mitējusies līdz mūsu dienām, un ar teātri bijis gluži tāpat kā ar dziesmu: jo grūtāk gājis, jo latvieši vairāk tiekušies pēc teātra. Atceros vācu laiku. Visu laiku pāri pilsētai un visai Latvijai slējās drauds — vakaros logi aptumšoti, pa reizei klusumu pāršķēla gaisa trauksmju sirēnas, veikali tukši, viss uz kartītēm, bet teātri bija pārpildīti, un grūti kādu biļeti sadabūt. Cilvēki tiecās uz teātri, jo tur vēl valdīja ilūzija par mierīgu dzīvi, tur skanēja smiekli un, pats galvenais, tur valdīja pārliecība par garīguma spēku, teātris kļuva par tādu garīga patvēruma vietu, par garīgu piepildījuma avotu. [...]
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This work highlights the importance of an altar dedicated to Jupiter Sacrum, discovered at Ulpiana near the eastern fortification wall of the city. The epigraphic data stored on the altar clearly indicates the presence of the cult of Jupiter Fulgur in Ulpiana. Based on palaeographic data and analogies with similar monuments in the Danubian provinces, and based on the historical context of the discovery site, an approximate date of the altar, might be proposed in the II-III centuries A.D. The appearance of the epithet Fulguri has been unknown until now in the inscriptions found in the territory of Ulpiana. Therefore, with this epithet, Jupiter it is proven for the first time in Ulpiana, but also in Kosovo. Meanwhile under the Sacrum ability, Jupiter has been testified earlier in other altars dedicated to his worships in Kosovo. The discovery of the altar dedicated to Jupiter in Ulpiana only confirms the fact that Jupiter was worshiped and widely respected among the inhabitants of the city, and his appearance with the epithet Fulguri only completes the corpus of epithets, with which he was worshiped and honoured in the city of Ulpiana.
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Ky punim thekson rëndësinë e një altari kushtuar Jupiterit Sacrum, i zbuluar në Ulpianë në afërsi të murit lindor fortifikues të qytetit. Të dhënat epigrafike të ruajtura në altar shprehin qartazi praninë e kultit të Jupiter Fulgur në Ulpianë. Bazuar në të dhënat paleografike dhe analogjitë me monumente të ngjashme në provincat e Danubit, si dhe duke marrë për bazë kontekstin historik të vendit të zbulimit, një datim i përafërt i altarit mund të propozohet në shekujt II-III. Prezenca e epitetit Fulgur deri tani ka qenë e panjohur në mbishkrimet e zbuluara në territorin e Ulpianës, prandaj, me këtë epitet, Jupiteri është dëshmuar për herë të parë në Ulpianë, por edhe në Kosovë. Përderisa nën kualifikimin e shenjtë sacrum, Jupiteri është dëshmuar edhe me parë në përkushtimet dedikuar kultit të tij në Kosovë. Zbulimi i altarit kushtuar Jupiter Fulgur në Ulpianë vetëm sa e konfirmon faktin se Jupiteri adhurohej dhe nderohej gjerësisht në mesin e banorëve të këtij qyteti. Kështu, paraqitja e tij me epitetin Fulgur, vetëm sa e plotëson korpusin e epiteteve me të cilat adhurohej dhe nderohej kulti i tij në qytetin e Ulpianës.
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Deçan Region is rich regarding its cultural heritage, especially archaeological heritage, which is undoubtedly the best indicator of life's development with a high intensity throughout prehistoric and historical periods. Archaeological evidence suggests that life has evolved since prehistoric times, due to its numerous natural resources, biodiversity, and geographic position. In Deçan, as in the whole Dardania area, were witnessed mass of settlements, since the epoch of the eneolithic, to continue with a series of settlements of successive periods, to those of the medieval period, but unfortunately have not been researched enough and consequently there are a luck of numerous studies on them. In this paper, due to the new data derived from recent researches conducted in this area, a contribution was made to the evidencing, chronological determination and definition, and valorization of archaeological heritage strewn over centuries in the Municipality of Deçan.
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Throughout the 19th century, today`s Kosovo was a multi- ethnic, a multi- religious province. In addition to Albanians, both Muslims and Catholics – consisting the majority of the population – there were also Serb Orthodox community, whose religious, cultural and educational life until Tanzimat, was primarily concentrated around the monasteries. Later, especially after 1856, Ottoman government recognized them the right to have their own public schools, out of monasteries, as well as the right to receive external funding by foreign powers, mainly Serbia and Russia. Taking advantage of this favor, the Government in Belgrade was actively engaging in politics of supporting Serbs in Kosovo, mainly by sending teaching staff and subsidizing schools in Serbian with aims to revive the national consciousness of Serbs. Serbia and its supporter Russia, viewed educational system as an appropriate mean for propaganda in order to exercise and extent their influence, and thus fulfill their expansionist objectives in ottoman vilayats with Albanian population. The decline and the weakening of the Ottoman Empire, manifested by their in tolerance and lack of focus paved the way and raised the appetites of the newly established neighboring countries such as Serbia, Greece and Monte Negro to go against and at the expense of Albanian territories.
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The position of the Orthodox in the Ottoman Empire was not serious, as it tries to portray for Serbian historiography purposefully. Indeed, based on published and unpublished historical data, we see that the Orthodox community, in this case the Serb, in Vilayet of Kosovo was privileged and protected by the Ottoman authorities. It should also be noted that the Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire, and so in Kosovo, were indoctrinated by Russian invasion policy, which through them aimed to penetrate the Mediterranean Sea An important fact that proves that the Serbian Orthodox community in Kosovo was cooperative with Ottoman authorities was the case of some Serbian teachers and students who had performed the Ottoman anthem during Sultan Mehmed Reshat's visit to Kosovo in June 1911. Since in 1766, by the decision of Sultan Mustafa III (1757 - 1774), Patriarchy of Peja (Pec) was suppressed, during the XIX century, more or less the Orthodox Serbs in Vilayet of Kosovo belonged to the diocese Raska-Prizren. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, one of the most interesting phenomena in Kosovo was the care of Orthodox churches and monasteries by Muslim Albanians. This phenomenon is to be distinguished because, here we are dealing with something that does not happen in other peoples. Thus, eg. the Deçan Monastery was guarded by the family of Sali Rrusta, Patriarch of Peja (Pec), the house of Zhuj Veseli from Rugova, and the Deviç monastery Behram Vojvoda, a family from Llausha, a village in the municipality of Skenderaj. The Albanian guards or, as they were known to the people, voyvodes of Orthodox churches and monasteries, fanatically guarded these objects of Orthodox faith, for they were probably Orthodox Albanians before they passed on to the Islamic faith. There were times when defending Orthodox religious objects, several Albanian voyvodes were killed.
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With all the vicissitudes, non-essential changes of name, unclear periods, etc., it seems that the Kosovo Committee has been operating continuously until 1939 and beyond. The first phase of its activity in the exile begins in December 1924,after the fall of Noli's government. In this case the leaders of the Kosovo National Defense Committee, Hasan Prishtina, Bedri Pejani, Ibrahim Gjakova and many others also fled abroad. They would concentrate initially in Bari and Brindisi, Italy, and very soon, within January 1925 mainly in Vienna, while a part in Geneva. Indeed, since the beginning of 1925, the Kosovo Committee operated under severe conditions in emigration, far from the Kosovo and the Albanian state. In relations with Albanian and Balkan political groups, the Committee continued to present as a continuation of the Kosovo National Protection Committee, namely as a representative of the Albanians under the rule of Yugoslavia. The Kosovo committee, with all its zigzags, has been present in the national movement not only in the years 1925-1930 but even further. He has kept alive the Albanian issue in general, especially fighting for sensitization of the international factor against Serbian chauvinist policies against the Albanian population in Kosovo and other Albanian territories in Yugoslavia, in order to stop the terror exerted on it, massive expropriation and systematic migration to Turkey and other countries. Zogu's approach and cooperation with Kosovar emigration, as well as his cooperative attitude towards Kosovo, seems to have resulted in a secret agreement between the Albanian KingZogu and the Committee of Kosovo and the dissolution of the residence of the Committee in Albania. It is clear that the Kosovo Committee was not officially recognized by the Albanian governments. He also had to act in complete illegality when Yugoslav intelligence services followed his steps with attention. According to King Zogu's project of June 1930, the committee started existed even in Kosovo, and not only in Albania. So then, from the beginning of August 1934 Yugoslav document sources reported that now the Kosovo Committee existed not only in Albania but also in Yugoslavia. These data and other information’s, especially of the European press in the period between 1925-1939, prove conclusively that Kosovo National Defense Committee, even after the many persecutions and damages it passed, even after the extinction of the armed uprising, organization survive and this great survival took dimensions as an important organization later, especially on the eve of the Second World War.
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“National Defense of Kosova” committee was a political organization whose aim was the creation of independent Albania excluded from any kind of protectorate, saving Kosova and uniting it with Alabania. The Gjakova branch of “National Defense of Kosova” committee, besides being closer to the border, it was more consolidated and had broader activity. Served as a bridge between leadership of the organization and other branches in Kosova. The activity of these branches headed by the Gjakova branch aimed to organize the resistance of Albanian masses against Serbian extinction and expulsion policy and armed movement of people of these provinces for the liberation from the conqueror. Serious scholars have ëritten about the role of historical figures in the movement for liberation and national unification during 1918-1924. They have dealt with different problems, views concerning the duration of the activities by the NDK Committee, identification of characteristics in particular segments of the movement, defining the dates, evaluation of events and personalities ëhere members that originated from Gjakova and its surroundings stood out.
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In this paper deals with the development of education in Albanian in Kosova in the Italian, German, Bulgarian occupation zones in the period of World War Two ( 1941-1944). In the Italian and German zone, Albanian education witnessed the most sensational stage of its development thanks to two basic reasons: 1. Unsparing aid of the Albanian state and 2. Tolerant policies of Italy and Germany, which for their strategic interests, allowed several rights for Albanians, including the development of Albanian education. Furthermore, from 1941 to 1944, dozens of elementary and high schools were opened with teachers coming from Albania. literacy courses with the intention of reducing the high level of illiteracy. In contrast to the above areas. in the Bulgarian occupied zone, Albanians were denied national rights, thus, the opening of Albanian schools was prohibited.
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The Albanian-Serbian conflict, which dates back from the first half of the 19th century, when was for the first time prepared the Serbian-nationalist project, although it has reached a compromise solution by the declaration of Kosovo's Independence on 17 February 2008, continues to be contested by the Republic of Serbia. This unwillingness of the Serbian state to accept responsibility for crimes committed in Croatia, Bosnia, and especially in Kosovo, is in fact a product of the Serbian national intellectual elite. Consequently in such spirit are the proposals of Academic Dobrica Qosiq, who in his book "Kosovo", among other things, also demanded the division of the northern part of Kosovo and its attachment to the Republic of Serbia, without ofering that such solution should be made also for albanians in Presevo Valley, or for bosnians in Novipazar, or for hungarians in Vojvodina.
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The review of: Sulltane Kojçini-Ukaj, Zhvillimi i arsimit në Kosovë 1945-1952, Instituti i Historisë-Prishtinë, Prishtinë, 2006, f.268.
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The review of: “Problemi shqiptar në RP(S) të Maqedonisë - 1944-1974 (Përmbledhje dokumentesh), vëll. I-VI, përgatitur nga Dr. Qerim Lita”, Sh. B. “LOGOS-A”, Shkup, 2018, f. 3000.
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The article shows the activity of intelligentsia fighting for coming to power in Russia throughout almost the whole century. Noted is the regularity of its emergence since the imperial power needed allies for fight against the conservative nobility for cancellation of the serfdom. However the new social community differently apprehended the mission, having come to a conclusion that the main opponent of progress in the country is the Supreme power. Revolution of 1917 didn't become intelligentsia's celebration since it didn't manage to find a common language with national bottoms. Their conflict put Russia on a side of accident which it was succeeded to avoid thanks to coming to power of the Bolsheviks entering a peripheral part of intelligentsia. It seemed that now intelligentsia will stop existence, but Bolsheviks allocated it the significant place in the structure of the state. Ideas of the intelligentsia as the moral leader of society become mass during the Soviet period. The transformation which happened to the intelligentsia didn't change the main thing — oppositional orientation of its thoughts.
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The article explores the place and role of the pre-revolutionary intelligentsia in development of the Soviet society in the days of the New Economic Policy. Materials of private papers of experts of a pre-revolutionary formation allow to define motives of their political self-determination. On the basis of various historical sources the directions and forms of active participation of the pre-revolutionary intelligentsia in country life during an initial stage of the New Economic Policy are revealed. Preparation and transition of Soviet leadership for the forced socialist construction meant refusal of the New Economic Policy. In new conditions, as shown in the research, the pre-revolutionary intelligentsia began to be exposed to discrimination and repressions. It has lost a former opportunity to widely use the intellectual and creative potential. In the difficult atmosphere of persecutions and prosecutions for social and political beliefs intelligentsia have been forced to adapt. Examples of conformist behavior of pre-revolutionary experts in the second half of the 1920-s are presented. It is convincingly proved that intelligentsia haven't turned into the detached onlooker, the feasible participation in country life it contributed to its further progressive development.
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Currently, the focus of attention is on the phenomenon of regionalization as a form of socio-cultural and political self-identification. It raises a scientific interest in the history, ideology and activities of the Siberian regionalism — the social and political movement of the second half of the XIX century and the beginning of the XX centuriy. The research is aimed at studying the attitude of N. M. Yadrintsev, a leader of the regionalists, to the contribution of «indigenous» and «new» intelligentsia to the revival of Siberia and development of the regional intellectual environment. The author analyzes the regionalist’s letters to his fellow G. N. Potanin during the exile in 1872—1873. The article reveals N. M. Yadrintsev’s critical attitude to the «educated people» of the Russian capital that was caused by their cosmopolitism, neglect to the province and provincial population, misunderstanding of the «east» matter and specifics of the Siberians’ life. The analysis of the letters showed the main drawbacks referred to the provincial intelligentsia from the view point of the regionalist, such as lack of the spiritual unity with Siberia and the absence of desire to improve the local life. The author assesses N. M. Yadrintsev’s program for fostering Siberian intellectuals’ patriotic views by means of periodicals and cultural educational work. The article depicts a generalized image of the «new» intelligentsia as N. M. Yadrintsev saw it. According to his views the «new» intelligentsia included the exiled, officials, exploitative businessmen, easy riders that came to Siberia from the European part of Russia. The author concludes that the main reasons for his negative attitude to such intelligentsia members were a complete lack of respect for Siberia on their part and their negative impact on the local population.
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The aim of the article is to reveal actual issues of Belarusian historiography, showing the influence of the Great Russian revolution on the fate and role of Belorusian intelligentsia in revolutionary reforms and the construction of a new society. Understanding of the contribution of one national-regional intelligentsia's groups at different historical stages makes it possible to reveal the role of intellectual forces in the formation and development of Soviet civilization, their significance in transformations in the post-Soviet space. For goal achievement, the author solves the following tasks: to consider the main political orientations of the intelligentsia of Belarus on the eve and during the revolutionary events of the beginning of the XX century; to analyze the main aspects in the content of the Belarusian historiography on the participation of the intelligentsia of Belarus in the construction of a new society in the pre-war period; to find out the tendencies in historiography devoted to the participation of the intelligentsia of Belarus in the Great Patriotic War; to reveal the most important directions in the Belarusian historiography concerning the activities of the intelligentsia of Belarus in the postwar and «perestroika» periods. The author was guided by the principles of historicism and objectivity, using historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historicaltypological and retrospective methods, which enabled him to generalize the achievements of historiography and to reveal the diverse role of the intelligentsia of Belarus in the development of Soviet society. Considering the content of some historical publications, the author elucidates the political orientations of the intelligentsia of Belarus on the eve of the revolution and during the period of revolutionary struggle in the first decades of the twentieth century, shows the forms and methods of attracting old specialists to the construction of a new society in the formation of the Soviet intelligentsia and its activities in the production, scientific and socio-cultural sphere. The conclusion has been done about weighty contribution of the overwhelming majority of the intelligentsia of Belarus to victory over fascism. An important role belonged to the intelligentsia in the restoration of the national economic and cultural potential of the republic after the war. At the same time, negative tendencies observed in the intelligentsia environment were noted in the postwar period.The article also determines the actual subjects for further scientific research with a view to the intelligentsia studies. Attention should be paid to the relationship between the intelligentsia detachments, the problems between old specialists and new intellectual workers, the processes of transferring the experience of prerevolutionary professionals to the young builders of a new society, the succession of generations. It requires further study of the role of interrepublican ties, primarily with Russia, its scientific and educational institutions in the formation and development of the intellectual potential of both countries.
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