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Bratislava’s former Trade Union House [Dom odborov], renamed after 1989 Istropolis, is the largest cultural and social complex in Slovakia. During the past two years, it has been at the centre of unexpected public attention. The reason for this interest lay in the circumstances surrounding its change in ownership, reduction of use, followed by the entire closure of the object and an eventual announcement of its demolition and replacement with new construction. Between 2019 and 2021, the situation set in motion a series of activities hoping to prevent the liquidation of this architectural work and – unusually – brought together the professional academic sphere with engaged members of the public. The present study presents the history of the creation of this noteworthy architectural complex, drawing attention to its innovative urbanistic, typological, and construction solutions. Additionally, it draws attention to the problems facing the evaluation and protection of architectural heritage from the second half of the 20th century. As the authors of the text were active not only in the research but also took a significant public role in defending this architectural achievement, the study also has the ambition of contributing to the discussion on perspectives of engaged research in the fields of the historiography and theory of architecture.
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In his reflection on memory and forgetting, Paul Ricœur raised the question of "abuses of memory" by pointing out the perverse uses of the "duty to remember" through the frenzy of commemoration or the manipulation of memory. The philosopher thus defended a "duty to forget" that he considered necessary for the accomplishment of a "just memory". In our text, we propose to explore this notion of "duty to forget" throughout history. States have pursued policies of forgetting through amnesty/amnesia in order to reconsolidate society. From Antiquity ("damnatio memoriae"), to Modern Times (Edict of Nantes of 1598 on the Civil Wars of religion) and Contemporary Times (Amnesties after Algerian War in France, Spanish law of 1977 on Civil War), there is a political tradition of the duty to forget where forgetting is appreciated as a factor of social reparation. From the end of the 20th century, new discourses and practices denounce the forgetting of violent events as a factor of destruction of human communities. This new international status of oblivion is part of a new paradigm of the relationship between societies and their past, which situates the memorialization of violent pasts as an inescapable remedy for individual and collective disorders, and as the condition for the perpetuation of the human collectivity.
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Valves of the Unio sp. processed to be made into personal adornments are discovered from several settlements of the Gumelnița culture (the second half of the fifth millennium B.C.). These assemblages include pieces in different phases of transformation, from irregular splinters to finished pieces in the shape of circular beads used as personal adornments. In this study, the raw material was interpreted as local, obtained as a by-product of the gathering process. Among the food waste products from the few settlements, the Unio sp. valves are well-represented quantitatively, their nutritional contribution being quite substantial. In order to identify the costs invested in the manufacturing of items of this type, both in terms of time and effort, we have developed an experimental program allowing us to record all the variables (raw material acquisition, technological stages, time recorded for each operation, tools used, evolution of the wear following the usage, etc.). Finally, the items were put together in a bracelet, tracking the evolution of the surface wear and of the perforation, which would allow us an evaluation of the use of archaeological pieces.
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The paper explores the possibility of employing an Entity - Attribute - Value (EAV) database in relation with the historical sources and the digital tools in use for prosopographical research of the mid- and upper social strata in Transylvania, from early modernity to the interwar period. The massive digitisation projects and the emergence of several historical databases, both taking place mainly during the last decade and still on-going, have provided the scholars of Transylvania with a wealth of information, but the development of proper tools for extracting and structuring it has hardly started. By transferring the digitised narratives from the primary sources into a structured database, which allows automated verification, linkage and comparisons, and approaching the data as “factoids,” and not as given historical facts, historians should be able to improve the selection of the prosopographical samples in view of further analyses, keep track of conflicting information provided by different sources and revisit any piece of data when required. In view of the above, the paper illustrates the application of digital prosopography on one of the historical databases focusing on the upper social layers of Transylvania during late modernity: “Historical Data Grinder.”
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Revue de Transylvanie appeared in May 1934 in Cluj, at the initiative of Transylvanian intellectuals and with the financial support of ASTRA, its pages containing studies of good scientific quality, aiming at disseminating the results of Romanian historical research to the European scientific and public opinion. Our paper intends to outline the context in which the journal appeared, its editorial structure and its main contributors and topics throughout the years, as well as the context in which it ceased its activity. In the foreword to its first issue, its initiators stated the reasons for starting the journal, as well as the objectives its founders had set for themselves. Silviu Dragomir, the director of the journal, and D. D. Roşca, its first editor-in-chief, intended the Revue de Transylvanie “to be a means of informing its Western readers on Transylvania through various aspects of life in a major province of post-1918 Romania.” The founders of the publication wished for the journal to be “an objective and accurate means of information” on the ethnic issues in Transylvania and particularly on minorities. Revue de Transylvanie also aimed at investigating the relations of minorities in Romania with its majority Romanian population. The journal also appeared as a reaction to Hungarian external propaganda, which was trying to accredit the idea that, after having become a Romanian province, Transylvania experienced a regress. The journal was not founded immediately after 1918, but in 1934, when it became increasingly obvious that the political changes that had occurred in the states defeated during WWI were threatening Europe’s configuration. Even in this difficult political context, the Romanian State took a long time to get involved in financially supporting the publication.The journal achieved only some of the goals set by its founders, namely informing scientists and decision-makers in the Western states on the political and ethnic realities in Transylvania. This was due to the professionalism of the authors and their published studies on a great variety of topics, namely history, historical demography, cultural history, ethnography, linguistics, etc., as well as to the 1200 free copies distributed to specialists in the country and abroad. Regarding the contributors to the issues of the journal, although their number was over 60, only a few of them were permanent contributors: Silviu Dragomir, with 9 published studies, George Sofronie, with 8 published studies, Laurian Someșan, with 6 published studies, Coriolan Petranu, with 5 studies, Ioachim Crăciun, with 5 published studies, and Ioan Lupaș, with 4 studies. The journal was also a true training workshop for younger specialists who made their apprenticeship especially in the Notes and Reviews sections. Worth mentioning among the younger historians are Ioachim Crăciun, Aurel Decei, Ioan Moga, Andrei Oţetea, P. P. Panaitescu, Ştefan Pascu, Aurelian Sacer¬doţeanu, David Prodan and Virgil Vătăşianu. The journal contained good quality studies on a variety of topics, especially contributions on contemporary history, minority issues, international law, historical demography, language history, historical geography, etc. Revue de Transylvanie proved to be an interdisciplinary journal in terms both of published studies and articles and of its contributors’ formation. Disputes and polemics occurred mainly in Notes and Reviews. The political factor in Romania used only to a small extent the pertinent information provided by the specialists, and its editing team set itself difficult objectives, unachievable without political support.
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The non-Polish population made up almost one third of citizens of the 2nd Republic of Poland. The distribution of groups of this population, its attitude to statehood and the fulfilment of civil duties were one of the main problems of Poland in the years 1918-1939. This situation was also reflected in the military service of non-Polish soldiers. Complications resulting from this fact led to the introduction of the extraterritorial draft system in the Polish army, which means that the stationing of formations was not tied to the recruitment base of the given territory. As a result of this solution, soldiers from other territories of Poland and other nations, including Byelorussians, Czechs, Lithuanians, Germans, Tartars, Ukrainians and Jews, served also in the 12th Regiment of the Infantry of the Wadowice Land stationing in Wadowice and Kraków. Apart from its own reserve forces and other supplementary forces, the Wadowice regiment trained also, among others, a contingent for the Border Protection Corps – a formation created to defend the eastern borders of Poland and for some guard and service units. This article describes elements of the system of conscription of non-Polish recruits into the 12th Regiment of the Infantry and the intended role of individual groups in formations concerned. It contains also chapters that describe the behaviour of nonPolish soldiers and training-related and organisational complications resulting from the large numbers of these soldiers in relation to Poles.
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As traditionally developed by the herders from the area of Mărginimea Sibiului (Sibiu County, Romania), the pattern of pastoral transhumance attains its completedness in the summertime grazing of local sheep herds. Such second seasonal phase (after the wintering of the flocks in the lowlands of regions like Banat, Dobrogea, and the Transylvanian Plain) takes place in the neighboring highlands of the mountain chains of Făgăraș, Lotru, and Șureanu. Beyond the temporary alternance of climate and landscape, the summertime shepherding is associated to the pastoral production of the milk and the cheese varieties of telemea and brânza de burduf, as well as to the wool collected before the sheep encampment within the mountain pastures. The text below will describe the conditions of hiring and managing mountain grazing lands by the herders from the villages of Jina, Poiana Sibiului, and Tilișca, with an emphasis on the social organization of these activities, the main assortments of cheese in the area, and the valorization of wool in the craft industries and the commerce that the Mărgineni villagers engage on such a ground.
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This study is devoted to the description of various approaches to memory based on Filip Springer’s report Miedzianka. The history of disappearing and is a part of the bachelor’s thesis in the field of Polish philology (under preparation). The scope of the research concerns issues related to the types of memory and the history of German-Polish relations. Springer’s work selected for analysis presents social changes taking place in Lower Silesia as a result of World War II and the subsequent repatriation of the population. However, it is a universal story about the workings of great history. Based on journalistic research conducted in the field, the reporter creates a polyphony of memory of the German and Polish population. Springer shows that events influence individual memories and collective perceptions. The polyphony of remembering influences German-Polish relations, and complicates them. At the same time, it leads to an identity conflict between the nations. The main reason is the phenomenon of generalization, which is opposed by the reporter in the work.
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C’est à la base d’un nombre assez limité de sources de premier et de deuxième rang ainsi qu’à la base des statistiques que l’auteur a essayé de nous donner certains éléments pour l’analyse de la structure nationale, so¬ciale et celle de clases du Parti paysan croate (républicain) dès le commence¬ment de son activité organisée en Bosni-Herzégovine jusqu’à 1929.
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In diesem Rückblick werden die wichtigsten Quellenangaben sowie die notwendige Literatur für eine Untersuchung der Problematik der gesellschaftlich-ökonomischen Veränderungen in Bosnien und der Herzegowina in der Periode von 1945-1950 angegeben. Bei den veröffentlichten Dokumenten wird auf die wesentlichsten Quellenangaben verschiedenartiger Herkunft hingev/iesen, beginnend von Dokumenten von Kongress der Kommunistischen Partei Jugoslawiens und Bosniens und der Herzegowina über stenographischen Notizen der Volksversammlung der Volksrepublik Bosniens und der Herzegowina aus mehreren Legislaturperioden bis hin zur einzigen Dokumentensammlung, in der nach Auswahl der Herausgeber Dokumente verschiedener Herkunft vorgestellt sind, die sich auf die gesamte Entwicklung Jugoslawiens in den letzten 35 Jahren beziehen. Ebenfalls wird auf zwei wichtige statistische Publikationen hingewiesen, die die wichtigsten statistischen Angaben über das gesellschaftlich-ökonomische Leben der Nachkriegszeit enthalten. Neben Quellenangaben von Publikationen werden auch die wichtigsten Sammlungen der Archive Bosniens und der Herzegowina angeführt, die für die Untersuchung dieser Problematik die wesentlichste Dokumentation enthalten. Für die Untersuchung dieser Periode sind besonders Aufsätze, Reden unid Referate der höchsten Partei- und staatlichen Führung interessant, da sie Beurteilungen und Auffassungen über die wichtigsten Ereignisse in der gesselschaftlichen Entwicklung enthalten. Deshalb wird besonders auf einige Veröffentlichungen dieser Art hingewiesen. Der zweite Teil des Rückblicks bezieht sich auf die nicht sehr umfangreiche Literatur, die vom ökonomischen, juristischen, soziologischen und hi¬ . ioriographischen Aspekt her Einzelfragen oder die gesellschaftlieh-ökonomi- :che Entwicklung Bosniens und der Herzegowina im Ganzen behandelt.
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Based on the press of the League of Socialist Youth in Yugoslavia, also Yugoslav music and entertainment-information press, archival documentation from the Archives of Yugoslavia, the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Serbia and the Historical Archives of Belgrade, as well as literature. This paper discusses the positions of the League of Socialist Youth towards all-Yugoslav BOOM Festival, mass gatherings of hippies, but also covers how the League of Socialist Youth corrected some anti-socialist appearances at this festival and gave to BOOM Festival a socialist shape.
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The main purpose of this article is to attempt to show the collective biography of Polish women parliamentarians of the interwar period through an insight into their emotions and feelings, to show the “emotional communities” presented by Barbara Rosenwein. In this text I will focus on the main problems of the political activity of Polish women parliamentarians in the interwar period. Source materials produced by women, mainly ego-documents and public documents created by them, will be used to develop this topic. The study will analyze the individual experiences of women parliamentarians. Their emotions, opinions and reflections on parliamentary work will be taken into account. The paper will also discuss selected biographical aspects of the women parliamentarians, such as their age, education and political views, which undoubtedly had an impact on their opinions and emotions. Polish women parliamentarians of that time had to struggle with many problems. Reluctance to place women on candidate lists was a common occurrence. Moreover, women had to meet numerous social expectations. First of all, they were required to be mothers and wives who were responsible for family life, that is, the private sphere. Furthermore, women were seen more as social activists than as politicians. At the same time, men considered women’s issues less important, which was evident in parliamentary discussions. The main research questions were: How did women perceive their own political activity? political activity? What problems did politically active women face?
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The aim of the article is to present a part of the biography of Sygurd Wiśniowski – a 19th-century traveler, writer and industrialist who appeared quite unexpectedly in the Polish press and was almost as quickly forgotten. The article is an attempt to present the possibility of using scattered press releases and epistolography in biographical studies. The value of press reports as a source of the facts is proved by a number of thematic studies. The atricle is based on a query of Polish press and Polish diaspora press and completed with an analysis of the traveler’s private letters, which allowed to verify the facts. Information obtained from the numerous press titles and letters suplement the current state of research with unknown or weakly known facts, making it possible to build an outline of a biography documented in the sources. The studies showed that a number of biographical findings about Sygurd Wiśniowski, which are established in the current literature on the subject, requires correction, and research in this field of press sources is promising.
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Publikowany dokument jest nietypowym przekazem historycznym. Owszem, przynosi ważne informacje dotyczące aktywności Romany Granas w środowisku polskich komunistów okresu międzywojennego, odsłania relacje łączące ludzi, opowiada również o atmosferze, w jakiej przyszło im działać. To jednak, co decyduje o jego wyjątkowości, to bardzo prywatny ton wypowiedzi i emocje, jakie towarzyszą jego powstaniu oraz temu, co autorka chce przekazać swojemu synowi. Adresatem wypowiedzi jest bowiem wybitny matematyk Andrzej Granas, urodzony w 1929 r. ze związku z Wacławem „Bolkiem” Butkiewiczem.
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While pointing out at the general significance of the French Revolution, the author emphasizes its contributions to direct and subsequent modelling of state and legal institutions. Particularly important in this respect is the value of the declaration of rights and of constitutional documents, which applies both to France and to other countries. In such a way the foundations of modem democracy have been built, as well as its component elements, and first of all — the „citizen” „people”, „general public”. Owing to these elements, contemporary state has been developed, too, the leading principle being the division of power. Modem law rests on a developed legislation, while great attempts at codification have contributed to establishing a coordinated legal system. This is why contemporary state and legal order is based on the principles of constitutionality and legality, with a legitimacy which emanates out of people’s sovereignty, followed by an efficient responsibility of the state bodies and agencies. On the basis of the above, one may say that first of all political and legal conditions have been created for honouring and protecting freedom of all individuals. In general, all these and other achievements poin out at the genuine civilizational and cultural meaning of that greatest revolution in the history of mankind.
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Beginning with the fact that .the declarations of the rights and freedoms adopted by the American and French revolutions by the end of XVIII century are extremely important for modern civilization and the law of that civilization, the author points out at the roots of corresponding conceptions in European thinking. They are to be found in the period of revival of the theories of social understanding and natural rights, which set the relationship between the power and the citizen on new foundations: in the theories of people's sovereignty and in the right to rebellion; in the ideas and institutions of British constitutionalism and centuries long struggle for freedoms within the frames of law; in the philosophy of Enlightenment, and most of all in the liberal political philosophy and ideology. In the wording of specific revolutionary declarations (especially those of 1776. and 1789) one insists on pioneering importance and insufficient influence of the Virginian Declaration. Also elaborated are the ways of transferring American ideal into France and the roles played in this process by Franklin, Jefferson, Condorsé, Payne, Lafayette, and others. Comparison is effected between French declarations in an attempt of establishing the influence of various philosophers and their aims as far as the contents of the declarations are concerned. Answers are also offered as to the reasons of different ways of institutionalization and implementation of otherwise similar ideas of the rights and freedoms which initiated both the American and the French declarations. The grounds for the above may be found in different political cultures in both countries, in a rather different intensity of contradictions in the pre- -revolutionary societies of North America and France, etc. In those two countries also different were the conceptions of the nature of divison of power and of the methods of struggling for power — the case of France,, where revolution began to „eat its children", while American Revolution was successful in giving form to its .ideals in constitutional and political institutions based to considerable degree on foundations of the British constitutionaliism.
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Im Rahmen der 25-Jahresfeier der Gründung und des Wirkens der ältesten und stärksten mohammedanischen Gesellschaft für Bildung und Kultur, »Gajret«, wurde am 6. und 7. September 1928 in Sarajevo ein Kongress der mohammedanischen Intellektuellen abgehalten. Obgleich dieser Kongress formal keinen politischen Charakter und keine politische Bestimmung hatte, drückte er doch die Situation im Lande und die Atmosphäre in der Gesellschaft aus, war von ihnen geprägt und fügte sich indirekt so in die aktuellen politischen Strömungen.
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Polet revolucionarnog radničkog pokreta u 1919. godini i u prvoj polovini 1920. godine obilježen je brojnim tarifnim i štrajkačkim akcijama protiv buržoazije, koja se sve više borila za učvršćenje vlasti i buržoaskog sistema. Radnički pokret, predvođen Socijalističkom radničkom partijom Jugoslavije (komunista) organizovala je više protestnih skupština na kojima se raspravljalo o najznačajnijim pitanjima iz života i rada radničke klase: o nasilju i progonima nad radničkom klasom, o uspješnijem rješavanju agrarnog pitanja, o pružanju podrške revolucijama u Rusiji i Mađarskoj itd.
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