We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Tom ten podejmuje temat współczesnych procesów migracji zamorskich, określanych w literaturze przedmiotu również takimi terminami jak: migracje zaoceaniczne, międzykontynentalne oraz, w węższym znaczeniu, transatlantyckie czy transpacyficzne. Dwie cezury czasowe, związane z istotnymi zmianami politycznymi, społeczno-kulturowymi i gospodarczymi w Europie, wyznaczają nasze rozumienie współczesnych migracji zamorskich. Po pierwsze rok 1989, który zapoczątkował przemiany ustrojowe w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej i dał początek tzw. czwartej fali migracji zamorskich.
More...
The aim of this paper is to analyse the philosophical, sociological, politological, theological and press articles on the issue of secularisation that were published in the monthly Znak during 1989–2000. A definition of secularisation is employed that was coined by Charles Taylor in A secular age (Taylor, 2007). It is understood as the endurance of religion in a plural society. The paper delineates three stands that the Znak Catholics have taken when facing secularisation: (1) an open catholicity; (2) a liberal faith; and (3) an ambiguous one. (1) The first approach involves confronting one’s liberal, secular partners in public debates, with a focus on finding some of their points acceptable according to the Church doctrine. Nevertheless, it is burdened with the anxiety of losing one’s own identity. (2) The second approach emphasises some of the connections between liberal and Christian ideas. A particular meaning of liberty and authenticity in human existence is stressed. (3) In the third approach, although it does not admit to its malevolence, the liberal ideas are treated with sharp criticism. Liberalism is accused of limiting the role of religion in a plural society. In the conclusion to the paper, an attempt is made to present the current relations between liberalism and Christianity in Poland. A deep recent transformation is revealed. It is believed that Znak will lose its function as a continuity sustainer in the next few years.
More...
Najnowsza książka Jana Zielonki Kontrrewolucja. Liberalna Europa w odwrocie (Zielonka, 2018) przyjmuje (atrakcyjną przyznajmy) formę nad wyraz obszernego listu, pisanego ze swadą, potoczystym językiem do Ralfa Dahrendorfa. Celem niniejszego artykułu będzie prześledzenie najważniejszych tez zawartych w monografii i uzupełnienie ich o własne refleksje związane z tematem kryzysu unijnych struktur, który konstatuje politolog. Zielonka, choć zastrzega, że nie jest myślicielem tej klasy co zmarły w 2009 roku Dahrendorf, już w prologu wspomnianej pracy się doń porównuje, wskazując na podobieństwa i różnice między sobą i angielskim myślicielem (o niemieckich korzeniach).
More...
The late archaic city-state of Athens was ruled first by Peisistratos who became a tyrant after three successive coup d’états. The rule of Peisistratos and his sons secured inner stability in Athens after the preceding internal conflicts. The tyrants promoted political and religious unification and centralization of the Athenian community, which involved the establishment or promotion of festivals and the construction of various public buildings. The architectural plans of the Peisistratids formed a major part of their politics. Their building policy required considerable resources, which could have been perceived as oppressive, and could have significantly contributed to their overthrowal.
More...
The Melian dialogue in the 5th book of Thucydides can be seen as one of the most important texts for political science. Two opposing political ideas are confronted by the historian: on the one hand Thucydides presents the Athenians as promoters of the idea of legitimacy of unlimited growth of power; on the other hand, there were the Melians who did not accept the ‘law of the stronger’. The Melians were conquered, and their arguments could not save them, but in the longer perspective the Athenian empire was destined to collapse. Through the dialogue, Thucydides compares the ‘law of the stronger’ ignoring the rights of others, and the appeal to justice by the weaker party trying to demonstrate their reasons to oppose the imperialist power.
More...
Review of: Jakub Maciejewski, Wojna. Reportaż z Ukrainy, Biały Kruk, Kraków 2022, ss. 310.
More...
Review of: Robert Spalding, Wojna bez zasad. Chiński plan dominacji nad światem, Zona Zero sp. z o.o., Warszawa 2022
More...
The Armenian Genocide, which took place from 1915 to 1917, is one of the most crucial events defi ning the character of both the fi nal period of the Ottoman Empire and the southern front of World War I. It is also a core identity reference for Armenians and a matter of memory dispute with the Turkish Republic. Since the 1970s, it has been a relevant research space for historians. Surprisingly, in Polish historiography, the subject is only marginally addressed, and its bibliography is puzzlingly limited. The article aims to discuss the Polish historiography of the Armenian Genocide in the broader context of world research. The description of the number of Polish inputs devoted to the Armenian Genocide provides background for the main research problem – a refl ection on the shape of genocide narratives created by Polish historians. This makes it possible to indicate the discursive structures that determine the historical narratives on the Armenian Genocide. Hypothetically, they result from both the time in which they were created and the authors’ axiology and worldview. The article is divided into two parts. The fi rst, in addition to the introduction and description of the state of research, focuses on the interpretation of all Polish historical texts concerning the issue of the Armenian Genocide. A critical analysis is devoted to both compact monographs and broader historical works in which reference is made to the issue of the genocide, above all in the context of the historiography of the declining period of the Ottoman Empire.
More...
The question of European integration in the political thought of the peasant movement in Central and Eastern Europe appeared many times since the second half of the 19th century. In the period of partitions, people searched for paths to freedom and independence. The ideas of creating multinational political organisms were to be means for obtaining a certain degree of subjectivity. Poles saw development opportunities in the federation within the Habsburg monarchy. On the other hand, the union of the peoples of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, mainly Lithuanians, Belarusians and Ukrainians – there was an apparent chance joint struggle with the Russian invader. The geopolitics of the region, constructed in the result of the First World War, meant that the newly created Central European states found themselves between Germany and Russia – both of which were states with imperialist traditions. The question of the union of states, or mainly peasant parties in the political thought of the Polish and European peasant movements appeared several times, but in the 1930s it was rather an addition to the programs of these parties. Initially, the Poles sought an agreement mainly with neighbours facing similar threats. When the implementation of these plans failed, their programs contented with peaceful international cooperation based on the League of Nations.
More...
The evolution of scientific institutions in Germany in the second half of the 19th century and the early 20th century brought about the establishment of a professional archive gathering previously dispersed resources on the history of Jews in the German territories. Gesamtarchiv der deutschen Juden was officially launched on October 1, 1905, and soon became the largest and the most important Jewish archive in Germany. The turbulent history of the collection during the times of the fascist regime and in the years following the Second World War caused the original collection to be scattered, while many archival materials were completely destroyed. The article presents parts of the preserved lists of archival documents regarding Jews in Greater Poland that were prepared at the moment of their incorporation into the Gesamtarchiv der deutschen Juden.
More...
Report on Conference "Miasta na ziemi wschowskiej i pograniczu wielkopolsko-śląskim",
More...
Report on Conference "Landes- und Regionalgeschichte versus Nationalgeschichte? Eine Standortbestimmung" held in Frankfurt from 22nd–24th of September 2022.
More...
The aim of this paper is to indicate the most important factors and circumstances (conditions) influencing the shape of the Polish state migration policy in the analyzed period, as well as to show their interdependence, evolution and the gradation of their impacts on this policy. The main thesis of the work is the statement that the migration situation of Poland, especially recently, is characterized by the high variability, and thus the importance of these conditions has been changing, and they have interacted with each other and evolved.
More...
The aim of the paper is to draw attention to the fact that while the authorship of the much-quoted Commentariolum Petitionis (a late-Republican pamphlet on electioneering) is still debated by researchers, this brief work itself is regarded as a valuable and reliable historical source. No conclusive solution to the riddle of the authorship has been provided by recent stylometric studies.
More...
Mentioned since the ancient times in mythology and documents, the messengers formed the central component of the correspondence system. In the Principality of Moldavia of the 15th-17th century, the information was mostly passed by spoken word. A large part of merchants, travellers or priests practiced this activity, but they only could be regarded as simple transmitters. The official messengers and emissaries were mostly found in the Princely Courts and served only for the state official interests. As the Moldavian territory was situated on the border between Christian Europe and the Ottoman Empire, many of them acted as spies, too. Thus, choosing the right messengers was a pretty delicate job for the princes. Another important aspect was the instructions received by the messenger or emissary for successful accomplishing his mission. During the Medieval period, a large part of the dispatch riders or emissaries had an official job (correspondence carriers) as well as an unofficial one (spies), which made the instructions absolutely necessary in order for the delegate to safely accomplish his tasks. The last question involves the rights and privileges of the messengers in order to keep them as safe as possible. Because they often went through foreign territories, the princes made special deals in which they reciprocally permitted the messengers to cross their territories.
More...
Treated as an integral part of national history, the wives of US presidents usually enjoyed a great deal of affection from their countrymen. Depending on the era, the expectations of the American people and, to a not inconsiderable extent, the abilities or predispositions of the successive occupants of the White House, they gave this informal institution of the first lady their unique, individual character. In the diverse pantheon of female presidents, an interesting figure and somewhat underrated was Woodrow Wilson’s first wife Ellen Axson Wilson, a lifelong companion for 29 years, prominently supporting him at all stages of his career, both in his academic work and later in his political activities. She was a devoted and trusted aide, advisor and supportive partner in his political career, first as Governor of New Jersey (1911–1913) and then, from 4 March 1913, as President of the United States. Ellen Axson Wilson only served as First Lady for 17 months, as she died prematurely on 6 August 1914. She was to some extent a representative of the emerging ‘new woman’, who tried to combine her private life and traditional femininity (she was a happy wife and mother) with public activity and a passion for painting. Her greatest achievement during her years in the White House was the social and reform work she undertook to improve the living conditions of poor neighborhoods in the capital and legislation in this area.
More...
This research focuses on anti-speculation propaganda of Soviet regime in the years of First Soviet Occupation of Lithuania (1940–1941). Image of various speculation aproaches is analised as well as public com-munication of Soviet regime while installing radical social and economical reforms (widespread nacionalization of different types of property, mostly). Also, this research shows that the “campaign against speculation” inspired by Soviet regime had some antisemitic content: when in the first months of occupation almost every day there were lists of speculators published in newspapers, these lists were dominated by Jewish names and surnames. That tendency could not lead to a rising of an antisemitic views in Lithuanian society. By the way, this research describes how Soviet regime widened a term “speculator”: while in the beginning of occupation it mostly could mean only a person who is mixed up in illegal trading activities, in the beginning of the summer of 1941 this term demonstrated a negative view of Soviet regime to any entrepreneurship initiative that is coming not from the of-ficials of the regime.
More...
A “Pasteurian” – initiator of the Romanian school of microbiology, author of the socalled“great Romanian experience” during an cholera epidemic in 1913, Ioan Cantacuzino(1863-1931) was also political personality with a historical role in making The Greater Romania after the post-war treaty of 1920. The next year, he initiated in Bucharest an Institute for vaccines and immunizing serum according, playing a major role in vaccination policies in Romania. An avid art collector, he interacted with art critics Henri Focillon, Louis-Eugène-Georges Hautecoeur, Georges Opresco
More...
The article analyzes the formation of the official image of the Soviet authority from its establishment at the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies until the end of the 1920s when the NEP was basically over. The author grounds the study on the fact that the supreme authority directly controlled the completion of this task, but its composition and subordination during the studied period changed significantly due to the rise of emergency state bodies and the governing structures of the party to the highest echelon of power, as well as gradual occupation by Communist party’s bodies of dominant positions over the Soviet ones. The article shows what factors influenced the content and structure of the image of authority and how it changed. The author believes that three key factors shaped the image of Soviet authority the most: the theory of Marxism, mainly the doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat; the views of the Bolshevik political elite, primarily the leader of the Bolsheviks, V. I. Lenin and in the late 1920s, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b), I. V. Stalin; the objective international and domestic military-political and socio-economic situation in which Soviet Russia found itself. During the above period, the role of the first factor gradually decreased; the views of V. I. Lenin began to be praised in some ritual manner. In the second half of the 1920s, the pragmatic views of the Bolshevik elite became decisively important, which at first were diverse, but by the end of the decade were completely determined by I. V. Stalin, who identified himself as the successor of V. I. Lenin and the new leader of the party and the whole country. The author develops an idea that, due to the above reasons, the image of the Soviet authority was not stable.
More...