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Functioning of the Institute for Compulsory Education in Smederevska Palanka has been a source of controversies in Yugoslav and Serbian historiographies for decades. Most frequently, it was analyzed through the ideological prism. For some it was a concentration camp and a torture chamber, for others a „peace oasis“ and a „college for communists“. Not only ideological, but also utilitarian motives of witnesses and authors who have been writing about the Institute, contributed to tendentious interpretations. This institution, probably best described as „reformatory“ by the British Foreign Office, was integral part of the concept of education in „national spirit“ that was implemented by the collaborationist Ministry of Education. The leader of the Zbor movement, Dimitrije Ljotić, significantly contributed to its founding. During the two years of the Institute's operation, some 1,200 young communists passed through it. Their stay in the Institute was marked by hard material and life conditions, but they enjoyed regular general and professional instruction, and could take part in a number of free-time activities of entertaining, artistic and sporting character. The idea of stay of young communists in the Institute was not psycho-physical torture, but rather their ideological „conversion“ in harmony with national-conservative ideas the Nedić regime cherished of the „de-nationalized“ and „misled“ youth and intelligentsia. Apart from the regular political instruction, special lectures were held by members of the Zbor, by collaborationist dignitaries, but also by a number of a-political experts from various fields. After the failed rebellion at the Institute in mid-April 1943 security and disciplinary measures were tightened and the culprits were turned over to the Special Police and shot after investigation at the shooting-range in Jajinci. During the two years of the Institute's functioning a large number of inmates was set free as „successfully re-educated“, and several dozens of cases of former inmates asking the Ministry of Education to be readmitted to the Institute were recorded. The institution's functioning was ended amid the action for liberation of Serbia. The Institute was officially disbanded in September 1944 and its Head Master joined the chetniks of Draža Mihailović with whom he found his death. Among the more prominent inmates were the famous movie director Mladomir Puriša Đorđević, writers and journalists Milutin Doroslovac (Milo Dor), Slobodan Marković (Libero Markoni) and Branko V. Radičević, as well as the judge of the Supreme Court of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Tiosav Velimirović.
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"Bleiburg” and the "Passion" are one of the complex topics of Croatian, Slovenian, Serbian, Bosnian and Herzegovinian and Montenegrin historiographies. It had been passed in silence for a number of years, not only in historiography, but also in public life of Croatia and former Yugoslavia. Despite public silence in Yugoslavia, there were writings about "Bleiburg" mostly in Croatian, Slovenian and Serbian emigre circles. Since 1990s "Bleiburg" and the "Passion" were no longer a taboo, so that ample historiographical, publicist and memoir literature deals with the end of WWII, withdrawal of a large number of soldiers and civilians, negotiations and extradition at Bleiburg, as well as the events during the "Passion". Works of Yugoslav (socialist) historiography, as well as of foreign (German, British) historiographies are interesting for a general review. Most data are known through memoirs and statements of survivors of the Bleiburg events. However, one should keep in mind frequent subjective elements in the available narratives. Therefore the goal of this paper is to systematize, review and evaluate the more important texts, articles, collections and monographs on the Bleiburg events from May 1945.
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This article highlights ways in which British military and political personnel acted towards Croatian refugees fleeing the Communist takeover in the final stages of World War II and thereafter. Although events relating to the surrender o f various pro-German and anti-Communist forces at Bleiburg, a town in south Austria near the border with Yugoslavia, and the following quarrel over "war criminals" from Yugoslavia is a complex affair, this contribution examines sources shedding light on British perspectives on the Croatian part, notwithstanding that the developments and problems treated here also affected Serbian, Slovenian and (ethnic) German nationals. As a result of this study, the changes in the intentions of the decision makers in London as well as the principal-agent problem become transparent.
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У чланку се анализирају шири и ужи историјски токови и догађања који су били основа за мапирање пејзажа сећања и изградњу историјске културе Топличког краја и који су учествовали у обликовању јединствене традиције ослободилачких ратова. Представљени су споменици јунацима из ослободилачких ратова 1912–1918, борцима из Народноослободилачког рата и револуције 1941–1945. и споменик Зорану Ђинђићу, као одређени изрази идејних и политичких система, онако како данас постоје и шта данас представљају. Дат је и аналитички приказ унутрашњег садржаја и спољашњег положаја изложбе о Народноослободилачком рату 1941–1945, која се налази у Народном музеју Топлице у Прокупљу.
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This work is focused on the Bačka territory, historically-geographical region located in the northern part of Serbia. It covers the period from 11 April 1941, when, in The Second World War, Hungarian army entered the territory of Kingdom of Yugoslavia with the goal of conquering, creating the government and incorporation of Bačka to the Hungarian state, until the end of the 1942. Hungarian government and army, in this period, with the goal of straightening the lasting power in occupied Bačka, by using the military power, had created the state that should had brought the numerous economical and moral-political empowerment of the Hungarian element. They were making the arrests, repression, forcing the emigration and deportation of Serbian and Jewish population as well as doing the mass executions of civil population. The paper is methodologically based on data collected within the engagement of Survey bureau of the Council of AP Vojvodina named ,,The truth about the events in Vojvodina 1941–1948“. In this publication the civil victims are namely documented, by sex, age and location of death, as the analysis of the existing documents and publications is done. In this paper the historical representation of the events in Backa from 1941 to 1942 is conducted, as well as demographical analysis of the civil victims (sex, age, national structure).
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One of the worst war-crimes committed by the Wehrmacht troops against civilians in the territory of Serbia was the mass retaliation in Kraljevo in October 1941. Authentic, original historical sources (among which temporally closest to the event are: the name lists made by factory and communal administrations on order of the District head on March 24, 1942; lists of the Refugee Commissariat; evidence of the survivors and contemporaries; personal and family memorabilia, documents of the State Commission for Establishing the Crimes of the Occupiers) are kept at local and central institutions. Historical sources as fragments of the past offer a complete picture of the causes of the shooting, forged ideologically by the order of the supreme German command and applied according to the proportions of the Nazi value system in which one German life in Serbia was worth 100 Serbian lives because of the losses the 717 Division of the Wehrmacht suffered from the Partizan-Chetnik attacks; of the consequences of the shooting as each individual victim was reflected on the suffering of his or her family, of the large number of war orphans, of devastated economy… The real picture of the tragedy based on exact historical data was lost among a spate of mythologized views. The date of the shooting – that according to the primary sources and memories of the contemporaries and the survivors, lasted from October 15 to 20, 1941 – was identified with October 14, the day of commemoration. The ideological and political motives were decisive for turning the place of shooting (at first called the Camp Grave-Yard, then, the Grave-Yard of the Shot) into the Memorial Park (1965–1992) with no crosses and names of the shot in the plan of the memorial complex. The service for the dead, synonymous with paying respect to the victims, was replaced in newspaper articles, studies, literary works and posters by the term the October Festivities during the above mentioned years. In the mythical layers, the oldest and the least open to explanations except in scholarly conferences and discussions in small scholarly circles, was the myth of the number of the shot in the Kraljevo camp that varied in newspaper articles and everyday talk between 6.000 and 7.500 victims. In the culture of remembrance based on research, analysis and comparison of historical sources that had been diligently collected and preserved in the Historical archives, in the Institution of the Memorial Park and in the People’s Museum in Kraljevo personalization of the victims was necessary. Through the model of data-base modern historical science has established so far the names of 2.190 hostages shot in the camp. The process of research of the victims – their social, ethnic, age and religious make up and the search for their documents and belongings is permanent practice in the museum. The proportions of the crime against humanity are indirectly to be found in the number of families left with no bread-winner, in the number of wartime orphans, in the destroyed economy, since at least 102 persons under age were shot and since the majority of the hostages were workers and clerks of the then airplane and wagon factories, employees of institutions and schools, in the most productive age between 18 and 55. Apart from the electronic form, the unique notes on identity of every person shot – as unique as their lives had been – are noted in the books of Remembrance in the museum’s permanent exhibition, but also in the project planned for the location of the shooting, on the walls of a chapel.
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Data of late Byzantine hagiographical texts on equids are analyzed and compared with those of the middle period, revealing a complexity of relationships. For example, in hagiographies of both periods, saints often refuse to ride on horseback. Information about horses as a means of transport is rarer in the late hagiographies, but there are more testimonies of horses being used during wars. References to hippodromes or to people descending from horses to pray are rarer in the late period as well. In both periods, the horse appears as a punisher or as an instrument of divine punishment. Descriptions of persecution (and martyrdom) refer to equids, for example when saints were tortured by being drawn by equids. Τhe references to equids used for water transport are of particular interest. Finally, there is resemblance in the use of similes, metaphors, and proverbs involving horses in both periods. In conclusion, the importance of equids remains as great in the late hagiographies as in those composed in the middle period.
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Franc Žužek rodio se 21. studenog 1886. u selu Marolče kod Ljubljane, od oca Antona i majke Marijane, rođene Virant. Poslije završenog školovanja zaređen je za svećenika i već 26. srpnja 1912. služi svoju mladu misu u Kočevju. Nedugo zatim, počinje vršiti svećeničku službu u četiri katoličke župe u Istri. Međutim, nakon raspada Austro-Ugarske 1918. godine, a naročito nakon 1920. kada je Istra pripojena Kraljevini Italiji, Žužek se suočio s talijanskom politikom odnarođivanja slovenskog i hrvatskog stanovništva. Ona se dodatno pogoršala 1922. godine, nakon preuzimanja vlasti od strane talijanskih fašista, koji su Žužeka, kao i mnoge druge svećenike, protjerali iz Istre 1923. godine. Žužek tako dolazi u Zagreb, tj. Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca kao izbjegli svećenik, gdje mu je u siječnju 1924. ponuđeno upražnjeno mjesto upravitelja župe Maja u glinskom dekanatu, na samoj periferiji Zagrebačke nadbiskupije. O svojim prvim dojmovima u novoj sredini, Žužek je zapisao: ”Težak će biti moj život u Maji – jer sam odgojen u dalekim krajevima: u Gorici i u Trstu; tamo sam svršio nauke – i službovao sretno među dobrim istarskim narodom. [...]
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Povodom obilježavanja dvadeset pete godišnjice genocida nad Bošnjacima u „sigurnoj zoni“ Ujedinjenih nacija Srebrenica i oko nje, 19. oktobra 2020. godine u Sarajevu (Vijećnica) održana je Međunarodna naučna konferencija pod nazivom “GENOCID NAD BOŠNJACIMA, SREBRENICA 1995–2020: Uzroci, razmjere i posljedice“ u organizaciji četiri obrazovno-naučne institucije: Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Univerziteta u Tuzli, Instituta za istraživanje zločina protiv čovječnosti i međunarodnog prava Univerziteta u Sarajevu i Instituta za historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu. Događaji u Srebrenici i oko nje od 6. do 19. jula 1995. godine, bez obzira na mnogobrojne pokušaje, neprevodivi su na jezik stvarnosti koju poznajemo. Kao čovječanstvo naivno smo vjerovali da se poslije Aušvica i holokausta nigdje, nikada i nikome ne može dogoditi genocid takvih razmjera, da su za samo nekoliko dana ugašena nasilnom smrću 8372 ljudska života, a ugašena su samo zato što su imala drugačiji etnički i vjerski identitet. To nam govori da ljudski rod kroz historiju u moralnom pogledu od Drugog svjetskog rata i pobjede nad fašizmom nije nimalo napredovao. [...]
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Genocid se definira kao zločin par excellence, najgore što čovjek može uraditi drugom čovjeku u smislu prava i morala. I opet, od Aušvica do Kambodže i od Ruande do Srebrenice, od jedne epohe i kulture do druge, počinilac genocida insistira da je njegov cilj pobjeda dobrog nad zlim te da je stoga moral na njegovoj strani. Ono što vanjski svijet može osuditi kao pogrešno i zlo oslikano je kao suprotno, jer radnje koje se moraju poduzeti da bi se osiguralo ono što je istinski vrijedno nadjačat će sve ono što mu prijeti. Ubijanje je predstavljeno kao legitimna samoodbrana, te želja da se u tome ne učestvuje kao moralni pad, izdaja grupe kojoj pripada i čija je budućnost u pitanju. [...]
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The crime in Srebrenica completes and completes the barbaric campaign of the two expansionist regimes that created Greater Serbia and Greater Croatia with fire and sword. Srebrenica is a hub of the map and network of crimes against Bosniaks and is only one of the drastic variations of the attitude towards Bosniaks as “others” and over which the medieval anathema and their living space is divided on the Serbia-Croatia route. The basis of the legal legalization of these agreements is the Cvetković Maček agreement, created at the time of open sympathies for fascism and already formed Ustasha and Chetnik organizations. It was through these two fascist offshoots that the Second World War brought the largest percentage of casualties in Yugoslavia, in relation to the number of inhabitants, among Muslims, and these crimes were not prosecuted. For a long time, communist ideology treated Bosniaks as a religious group, not a nation, and the “recognition” of the nation took place under the religious name of Muslim, leaving only Bosnia and Herzegovina without a people whose ethnonym has ties to their homeland. This left the possibility to “legalize” the crime because in 1993 the Assembly of the Serbian people in Bosnia and Herzegovina passed a conclusion: “that Muslims are a communist creation and represent a religious group of Turkish orientation... We do not accept this artificial nation.” We believe that Muslims are a sect, a group, of Turkish orientation... “The pattern of “liberators”, “winners”, “anti-fascists” was established and included in the manuals that were applied in practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina in years 1992–1995. and they refer to the class, religious, ideological and any other opponent, which “someone” officially marked as such. According to the “revolutionary” principle towards such an enemy, which officially does not exist, all means from the arsenal of Lenin’s “revolutionary terror” or Stalin’s gulags, Hitler’s gas chambers and concentration camps, Manjaca, Prijedor, Heliodrom, Srebrenica, whatever they call it, are allowed.
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This article deals with the causes and outcomes of the genocide against Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. The author’s position is that during the entire period of aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 – 1995. genocide against Bosniaks took place on the territory of the entire State. In its Judgement of 26 February 2007, the International Court of Justice ruled that acts of genocide (actus reus) had been committed against Bosniaks throughout the duration of the international armed conflict. The international armed conflict took place on its territory between the Yugoslav People’s Army on the one and the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina the other hand. But Bosnia and Herzegovina managed to prove the existence of genocidal intent (mens rea) only in and around Srebrenica in July 1995. In this paper, to the extent permitted by the nature and scope of the work, the author briefly explored and analyzed the historical context in which the genocide was committed, the geopolitical reasons for the Serbian aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, the goals of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide of Bosniaks, situation on the battlefield 1995, peace plans and Bosniak enclaves in Eastern Bosnia, possible consent of the “international community” for the occupation of the enclaves by the Army of the Republika Srpska in order to simplify the maps as a precondition for concluding a peace agreement, the Bosnian Serbs’ historical hatred against Bosniaks and their historical experience of impunity for crimes committed against Bosniaks, as well as the belief that they were given a unique historical opportunity to realize their historical aspirations by genocide against Bosniaks: the elimination of non-Serbs and the annexation to the Serbian state of parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina territory vest of the Drina River. Following this discussion, the consequences of committing genocide in and around Srebrenica are briefly presented and analyzed. The opinion of the author is that each of the mentioned factors was a precondition for genocide to be committed and that all of them together, to a different extent, presented the cause of genocide. The consequence of committing genocide is the demographic collapse of Eastern Bosnia and Podrinje and a temporary change in the ethnic structure of the population in that area.
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In all wars that were fought up to now, beside soldiers of the combative sides and those serving in the employ of the combatants, a constant follower were also civilians and the civilian populace. That category of participants of every war, participating with no volition of their own, is often the greatest victim of each actual armed conflict. The makers of first international documents, the first humanitarians knew that, and so they tried to humanize armed conflict, putting forth and adopting important humanitarian law conventions and acts, of which most notable are the Geneva and Hague conventions governing these issues. Civilians and civilian populations that, howsoever, is found on the occupied territory or is in and was found in the field of fire of an armed conflict, these international documents provide from protection. There are many kinds of protection, starting with the protection of the greatest values of human kind – protection of human life, and many other human values. In this paper, which I intend to present at the international scientific conference I will be espousing on the numerous rights of civilians and civilian populations in armed conflict, on the norms of international humanitarian law intended to protect civilian populace in armed conflict as governed by the Geneva and Hague conventions and other relevant international instruments, those applying on civilians present in the times of armed conflict, as well as to those interned. Normative determination of the position of protected persons, domiciled populace, foreigners, interned persons and others, through the insurance of their nourishment, accommodation, hygiene, medical care, enactment of religious rites, intellectual and physical activities, protection of personal property and financial instruments, ensuring legal representation, reallocation in times of armed conflict, and in particular in regards to civilian deaths – all of this will be the focus of my work. Special attention I will dedicate to the position of civilians and civilian population in the year 1995 during armed operations by the Army of Republic of Srpska in the United Nations protected enclave Srebrenica, as well as the consequences of violating the norms of international humanitarian law at that time. IN the end, I will give a certain overview of the normative protection of civilians and civilian populations today, the messages that are sent by the deaths of civilians and civilian populations of Srebrenica during war in July of 1995.
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The Srebrenica genocide committed in July 1995 by the Army of the Republika Srpska is the largest mass crime committed in Europe since the Holocaust in World War II. In their verdicts, the Srebrenica massacre was condemned as a crime of genocide by both the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice in a case concerning the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. During the few days of the massacre after the fall of Srebrenica, which the United Nations Security Council, by its Resolution no. 819 of 16 April 1993 declared a protected zone, more than 8,000 Muslim men and boys were executed, while almost 30,000 women, children and elderly were forcibly expelled in a huge-scale ethnic cleansing campaign. Radovan Karadžić, a former politician who served as the President of Republika Srpska was in March 2019 convicted of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Earlier, in November 2017, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia found the wartime commander of the Republika Srpska Army, Ratko Mladić, guilty and sentenced him to life in prison for genocide and crimes against humanity. The European Parliament has adopted several resolutions on Srebrenica. On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the genocide in Srebrenica, the House of Representatives of the United States Congress unanimously adopted the Resolution on Srebrenica. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide, the Unied States Congress adopted a Resolution condemning the genocide and other crimes against Bosniaks committed by Serb forces in Srebrenica in July 1995, and in May 2020 the European Parliament adopted a Resolution on the importance of European remembrance for the future of Europe. This paper will analyze the resolutions of the European Parliament on the Srebrenica commemoration, as well as other international sources on the crime of genocide committed in the UN protected zone in Srebrenica.
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Relying on a detailed reconstruction of the “nine days of hell”, as ICTY judges characterized the period after the fall of Srebrenica, the public discourse on the Srebrenica genocide is completely dominated by July 1995 topics. However, the representation of earlier periods in historiography, which refer to very dynamic events within Srebrenica during 1992, 1993 and 1994, also occupies a significant place on the scale of research on topics related to the genocide in Srebrenica. Several important books, scientific and professional papers have been published on these issues, in which, for the most part, documents of military units surrounding and attacking Srebrenica were used as basic source material, primarily documentation of the VRS Drina Corps and the Yugoslavian Užice Army Corps. Based on the cited literature and available documents related to the events in Srebrenica from the beginning of 1993, the paper will present a synthesis of the circumstances that preceded the adoption of Resolution 819 in the United Nations Security Council. Relying mainly on the available documentation of UNPROFOR and the United Nations, the aim of this paper is to clarify what the newly appointed safe zone status has essentially brought to this area. Also, the adoption of resolutions related to safe zones was preceded by a series of discussions in the Security Council, with special reference to the question of what these zones should be called. Safe havens, protected zones, demilitarized zones and ultimately safe areas, were some of the proposals and, each of the above terms implied substantial differences in the status of these areas. In this paper, we will try to explain the essential differences between all these names, and finally, offer explanations why the Security Council opted for this name - safe areas. The paper will analyze the main shortcomings of the mentioned resolutions and other documents of the Security Council, ambiguities on the demilitarization of Srebrenica and Žepa, insufficient presence of UN forces, as well as ambiguity of UNPROFOR’s mandate in this area.
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Genocide against Bosniaks of the United Nations Safe Zone Srebrenica, before the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, verdicts of German courts (Düsseldorf High Regional Court), genocide crimes in Doboj and other places in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and verdicts of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, are paradigmatic evidence of genocidal destruction of Bosniaks, because the analysis of specific socio-historical processes, in the form of national liberation movements and nation-building in South Slavs and the wider Balkans, continuously, as an integral part of the genocide against Bosniaks. There are a lot of evidence of genocide against Bosniaks that are explicit and unquestionable as social, historical and legal facts, but one of them stands out and that is the genocide of mother and child as sources of holiness of life. In this paper, we will work on concrete socio-historical examples of the suffering of mothers and children in the genocide against Bosniaks from the beginning of the so-called “National liberation movements” in the early 19th century, through the Balkan wars, the First and Second World Wars, to the war against Bosnian society and the state in 1992–1995. using only relevant theoretical and methodological postulates, to prove and show that the last genocide against Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica, July 1995, is not an individual and isolated case of genocidal oppression of Bosniaks, but, on the contrary, represents only a paradigmatic example, ie part continuous genocide, as a means of “national liberation movements” from the neighborhood of Bosnia and Herzegovina, carried out according to the Jacobin formula “one state-one (ethnic) community”. By analyzing the suffering of mother and child in the genocide against Bosniaks, we will open the question of the prevailing false narratives (historical, political, “cultural” and others) about national liberation movements from the position of the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as progressive civilizational achievements.
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During the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995), the most serious form of crime against humanity and international law was committed against Bosniaks - genocide, which was confirmed by the Hague Tribunal for Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice. According to previous findings, court practice and scientific research, genocide in all its five acts (Article two of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide from 1948) was committed in and around Srebrenica. In this paper, we will present all the most important events, ie the chronology of the genocide from July 11, 1995 to July 22, 1995. It is important to point out that what happened in Srebrenica in July 1995 has been strategically planned and announced since 1992, and gradually realized in the years that followed. Unfortunately, gaining the status of a UN safe zone on April 16, 1993, did not help Bosniaks in Srebrenica either. Between 11 and 22 July 1995, the Republika Srpska Armed Forces and Police, in co-operation with units from the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republika Srpska Krajina, and foreign mercenaries, in accordance with Greater Serbia ideology, policy and practice, and the occupation of the United Nations safe zone of Srebrenica, forcibly relocated all Bosniak women and children and captured, imprisoned and executed thousands of men and boys and buried them in mass graves in secret places. In that period, the largest mass murder in Europe after the Second World War took place, while the “international community” did nothing to stop the commission of crimes by monstrous methods. We believe that it is important to point out the genocide and other crimes committed in the period from 1992 to 1995 in different ways on a daily basis, all with the aim that they would never and nowhere be repeated. In this regard, we decided to use this paper to point out chronologically the most important facts of the genocide of Bosniaks in and around Srebrenica in July 1995.
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