Historical Residential Architecture under Totalitarian Regimes and After
Romanian Case Study
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Romanian Case Study
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The aim of this article is a presentation of the role and importance of contacts of Polish nobles and monarchs in the vast context of the ceremonial used in the everyday life at the court and the organisation of the space of the Royal Castle of Warsaw (and other residences). It seems that due to a lack of clear factors sacralising the power of the Polish elective king, access to the monarch was relatively simple and not very restricted mainly by the labile etiquette at the Polish court in the 16th and 17th centuries, much different from the French or Spanish ceremonial. On the other hand the organisation of the space in the Royal residences had to emphasize the position of the king by creating some barriers separating the monarch and the nobles.
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In the early modern period, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, comprising parts of present day Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, and Belarus, became a crossroad of the various architectural tendencies. The process of adaptation of the architectural models arriving there from across the continent is, therefore, illustrative of the mechanisms of the cultural transformation taking place in early modern Europe. The recipient culture plays a crucial role in that process, as cultural identities condition receiving, adapting, or rejecting various architectural solutions. It may be argued, therefore, that adaptation of architectural models is always a transformation, a constructive and selective act that follows the rules and impulses of a specific culture. Based on that assumption, this contribution intends to examine spatial settings of the residences in the Commonwealth in their European context to arrive at a better understanding of the way the various architectural models were being adapted to the local functional requirements. As such, it will explore the interaction between architectural framework and the ceremonial it served. Focusing on several case studies, including the residences in Kielce, Warsaw, Czemierniki, and Podhorce (Підгі́рці in Ukraine), it thus hopes to shed light on the process of a ‘cultural translation’ involving transformation of the architectural models in Central and North-Eastern Europe.Key-words: Kielce, Warsaw, Czemierniki, Podhorce, Early Modern Age.
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The social and economic relation between private monasteries has proven to be an important issue in assessing their function and role. In this sense, several cases from medieval Hungary were selected, in order to analyze the position of monastic sites within the structure of estates of that micro-region, especially the relation between the monasteries and the landed properties of the patrons. Furthermore, sources on the residence of the patrons will be reviewed in context with the monastic site. Several abbeys were connected to earthen fortifications or to other types of castles as well. These features and the topography revealed through this analysis suggest that the site of private monasteries had a more or less a central character. Aside from the obvious advantages offered by this position, the abbeys became more vulnerable towards the patrons. The patrons, according to custom, were directly involved in the administration of the monastic estates. Moreover, they were able to use the economic resources of the monasteries not only for the abbey, but also for their own benefits and purposes—sometimes even by expropriating their lands.
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The paper explores the possibility of employing an Entity - Attribute - Value (EAV) database in relation with the historical sources and the digital tools in use for prosopographical research of the mid- and upper social strata in Transylvania, from early modernity to the interwar period. The massive digitisation projects and the emergence of several historical databases, both taking place mainly during the last decade and still on-going, have provided the scholars of Transylvania with a wealth of information, but the development of proper tools for extracting and structuring it has hardly started. By transferring the digitised narratives from the primary sources into a structured database, which allows automated verification, linkage and comparisons, and approaching the data as “factoids,” and not as given historical facts, historians should be able to improve the selection of the prosopographical samples in view of further analyses, keep track of conflicting information provided by different sources and revisit any piece of data when required. In view of the above, the paper illustrates the application of digital prosopography on one of the historical databases focusing on the upper social layers of Transylvania during late modernity: “Historical Data Grinder.”
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This paper deals with the evolution of historical research on urban history over the past 30 years. The communist period marked a break from the years before the Second World War, when a number of writers, professional historians or people passionate about history published monographs on urban settlements to which they felt attached. With some exceptions, the years of communism represented a blank from this point of view, the interest shifting to the aspects contained in the classical schemes that formed the Marxist interpretations of the past, in which the urban world occupied a completely marginal place. Only archaeology and the history of monuments managed to make some progress. Ideological restrictions were removed after 1989, but this did not coincide with an immediate recovery of the place that urban history should have rightfully occupied in the research of history. Obvious progress has been made especially in the publication of primary sources: volumes of documents have appeared for towns such as Iași, Huși, Tecuci, Târgoviște and Câmpulung Muscel; several historical plans of towns and atlases have been published; several syntheses of history have appeared regarding the towns in the historical regions of Transylvania, Wallachia and Moldavia. However, progress is mainly quantitative, not always qualitative, although a plus must be emphasised in this last regard as well. There is an obvious lack of systematic or coordinated research, as there is no coherent support from the institutions that coordinate the research process in Romania, whether we are talking about the central or local, academic or university level. Existing initiatives are most often individual, with inconsistent results.
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Review of: Antoni Sułek - Rafał Hetman, Izbica, Izbica, Wołowiec: Czarne 2021, 337 s., 3 nlb
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For over two centuries, Galați was the only port of Moldova. Through which agricultural products from Moldova were exported to the Pontic and Mediterranean regions, also large quantities of food products in the form of army provisions (zaherea) were sent to Istanbul, as well as a lot of objects produced by foreign craftsmen were imported, some of them also reaching neighboring countries. Starting from 1834, Austrian steamships made regular runs to Galați. Also, there was transit trade with the German countries, the importance of the construction of large military ships increased, etc. The locals enjoyed favorable conditions for the production of various material goods, especially the favorable geographical position for carrying out the exchange of goods, which allowed them to earn money from the sale of their products.The approach represents a panoramic presentation of the Galați city in the light of the records and itineraries of several travelers and merchants who had visited it until the beginning of the 19th century. Due to the foreign domination, the number of inhabitants of the town was very small. In the course of time, the town of Galați, as well as other localities in Moldova, suffered numerous material damages due to the military confrontations carried out by the great powers. The city experienced an upswing in its development only after the foreign domination over the Romanian extra-Carpathian territory was liquidated.
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Eine der wichtigen Fragen der antiken Geschichte und Archäologie unseres Landes bildet auch die Frage der Ortsbestimmung der römischen Arduba. Sie wurde durch den dalmatinisch-pannonischen Aufstand (6—9. Jh. n. Chr.) bekannt, da in dieser Stadt Illyrer, eigentlich genauer Daesiater, letzten zähen Widerstand gegen den römischen Eroberer leisteten. Dion, der diesen Aufstand beschrieben hat, sagt von der Arduba, daß sie auf einem Berg gelegen war, unter dem in Windungen ein wilder Fluß verlief. Bei der Untersuchung antiker Topographie sind Forscher schon früher zu der Überzeugung gelangt, daß für die ganze dalmatinische Provinz Dions Beschreibung am besten auf eine alte illyrisehe Festung zutrifft, die sich am Ort des heutigen Vranduk befindet. In diesser Arbeit haben wir zu beweisen versucht, daß es sich wirklich um Vranduk handelt. Unter Berücksichtigung der verschiedenen Episoden in der Entwicklung des Aufstandes, seines Verlaufs sowie der letzten Ereignisse, die in enger Verbindung mit den Daesiatern, den Urhebern des Aufstandes standen, kamen wir zu der Schlußfolgerung, daß die erwähnte Arduba gerade in ihrem Land liegen mußte. Velej verweist darauf, daß (neben den Perus ten) es wieder die Daesiater gewesen sind, die als letzte die Waffen niederlegten. Daraus folgt, daß sich auch ihr letzter Stützpunkt in ihrem Land befand. Auf der Suche nach dem Ort, der sich also in ihrem Land befand und der am besten der Beschreibung des Dion entspricht, kamen wir zu dem Schluß, daß ihm am besten die Lage des heutigen Vranduk entsprechen dürfte. Aus all diesen Gründen bezeichneten wir ihn als römische Arduba. Die neuesten, auf Vranduk vorgenommenen, archäologischen Ausgrabungen beweisen, daß dort wirklich eine illöirische Siedlung festungsartigen Typs gewesen ist. Von bevorstehenden Ausgrabungen erwartet man noch größere Resultate, die unsere Auffassung über die Lage der römischen Arduba bestätigen würden.
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Historija je višeznačan proces vraćanja na ljude i događaje iz prohujalih razdoblja. Definira se i kao "nauka o ljudima u vremenu". Ono što se uslovno rečeno naziva "lokalnom" historijom, mimo velikih narativa, ukazuje, potvrđuju raznolika iskustva, na višedimenzionalnost prošlosti, njene odlike i specifičnosti na određenom prostoru. Naselja su sazdana od zgrada, ali gradove čine i ljudi. Mala jevrejska sefardska zajednica u Novom Pazaru je, imajući u vidu njegov veliki ekonomski značaj, prema nekim navodima, postojala još od XVI stoljeća. Oni su u ovaj tadašnji osmanski privredni centar pristigli većinom iz Soluna i Sarajeva. Mahom su se bavili trgovačkim i zanatskim poslovima, dajući svoj doprinos privrednom i društvenom razvitku grada, preživljavajući i njegove razne krize i iskušenja tokom narednih stoljeća, sve do Drugog svjetskog rata. U Novom Pazaru je, pred rat 1941., živjela 61 jevrejska porodica s 247 članova. U martu 1942. ova zajednica je, svojim najvećim dijelom, mahom doživjela istu sudbinu poput one brojnih Jevreja u Srbiji pod nacističkom okupacijom. Nakon hapšenja i odvođenja na beogradsko Sajmište, bila je skoro uništena. Poslije rata neki od malobrojnih, preživjelih novopazarskih Jevreja otišli su u Izrael, ili su se preselili u Beograd. Od 1972. u Novom Pazaru nema Jevreja. Njihov historija je sastavni dio prošlosti ovog grada u kojem su živjeli više stoljeća.
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On the basis of the presented data, it can be said that Prijepolje with its surroundings were definitely included into the Ottoman Empire in 1465. Under the new historical circumstances, Prijepolje for a relatively long period retained its earlier urban physiognomy, its earlier structure of production as well as its confessional and social structure.
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After a century of Turkish administration of Hotin fortress, while the village of Costești was desolated and its former residents barely could return home from the mouth of the Ciuhur river, Moldova was occupied and annexed to the Russian Empire. At the beginning of 1849, the villagers of Costești refused to pay the imposed taxes (a.k.a. claca), and were seeking to let Bucharest know about their complaints. On November 5, 1849, they started a rebellion against the guard's brigade on the Sculeni border. The brave fighting spirit of the villagers continued and an even bigger rebellion took place in Costești in February 1850. The rebellion was against the border guards and military officers who were abusing the locals. After one of the guards shot and wounded a man, the villagers got mad, beat the guards up and unarmed them. This event was a resonant one since many high-ranked officials from the Russian empire investigated it, including the military governor of Basarabia, the Russian empire minister of internal affairs and finances, and even the Russian emperor Nicolai I.
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The author studies the origin of the idea for the erection of monuments of the brothers Cyril and Methodius and the creation of social conditions for its realization and putting into practice of the projects. The idea to build monuments in honor of the teachers comes from the Revival, but hardly in the 20th century it is fulfilled; in many towns – Sofia, Veliko Turnovo, Blagoevgrad – monuments of Cyril and Methodius are erected, deed of famous Bulgarian sculptors. In the spiritual life of the Bulgarians, the monuments in the glory of the deed of the two brothers are a mark of the gratitude to the creators of the Slav alphabet and culture.
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Wilanów is an important place on Norwid’s biographical and intellectual map, not only due to the cultivation of memory of his great “ancestor” John III Sobieski, but also because he learned to paint at the Warsaw studio of Aleksander Kokular, who was associated with Wilanów. Norwid maintained close contacts with the closest family of Wilanów’s owner, Count Aleksander Potocki: his second wife Countess Izabella nee Mostowska, primo voto Potocka, secondo voto Starzyńska, and her son Stanisław Potocki, grandson of Stanisław Kostka Potocki. Norwid even enjoyed the protection of Countess Starzyńska and would often meet in Paris with her son, an art collector, as well as exchange letters with him, mainly on the subject of art. Perhaps they visited together Hôtel Drouot, an art auction house in Paris.
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The Parish in Wójcin was one of the 38 pastoral units in the district of Wieluń during WWI. Geopolitically, it bordered the Prussian State. The then parish priest Rev. Andrzej Witulski, who was a keen chronicler, recorded the events of the Great War in respect of the above–mentioned parish and neighbouring localities. A huge asset of his description is a chronological presentation of war events starting with the incursion by German and Austro-Hungarian troops and relating to the social, religious, economic, educational and interfaith situation of those times. The priest hoped that the beginning of WWI would mark the final withdrawal of the hated Russians from the administration of the Kingdom of Poland and that it would lead to the establishment of independent Poland thanks to the help of German and Austro-Hungarian troops that were supposed to drive the Moskals to the Far East. However, after 4 years of the War, the priest expressed his bitter disappointment with the negative behaviour of the Germans and the Austro–Hungarians – not only did they cause extensive damage to the church property and civilians of the parish, but they also plundered the above–mentioned ones.
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The significance of the bazaar in preserving the city’s traditional urban concept exemplifies grounds for research. A specific model of spatial structure in the central historic core of the city of Skopje is developed during the Ottoman rule. The basic characteristics of the city's morphological structure are defined through comparative analysis of specific implementations regarding the development of urban cores on the Balkans (Serbia, Turkey Greece, Albania and Bosnia). In the course of the development of the bazaar, certain groupings of public buildings are established and accepted as local authentic model of urban composition by the population (Han, Hamam, Sacral object, Bezisten). The significance of the bazaar is polyvalent in relation to the centuries old development of the urban form. The development of the bazaar is associated with its size, economic power and strategic position regarding the city through different historical periods. The solidity of the bazaar is influenced and dependent on the needs of the population and the urban transformation of the city. Skopje’s bazaar is a typical model of spatial unity developed under similar circumstances as other spatial concepts on the Balkans, meanwhile under the influence of the Ottoman concept for a city, verifying as specific and successful urban concept.
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One of the most important city in Macedonia is Manastir (Bitola). Manastir is in the middle of the Ottoman Europe. Monastir is one of the most developed and the second fastest growing city of Republic of Macedonia. From the 19th century, it had the position of a religious center consisting of churches and religious buildings. Christians, Muslims, Catholics, Protestants, Jews, that is, people of all religions live in Manastir. The Ottoman Empire made efforts to make the settlements under its dominance regular. Cities are the most important social, cultural and economic areas in this period. Cities are different from villages in terms of religion, education, health, transportation, administration and economy. The main elements of Ottoman cities are: roads, bridges, fountain castles, hospitals, mosques, bazaars, markets, cultural centers and neighborhoods. Many social structures that meet the needs of the people have been built and cities have been given a great vitality. The most important features that distinguish cities from rural areas and villages are the magnificent structures in cities.
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On the broad parts of Travunia, or the Trebinje region, the Trebinje District was duly formed in time between the districts Popovo on the Western, Žmovice and Konavli on the Southern, Vrm (Korjenici) on the Eastern and Rudine and Ljubomir on the Northern side of the area. In the ancient past there had been different districts on its territory - Šuma (with the settlements; Bjelač, Taleža, Svinjar evo, Klikovići, Gola Glavica, Sparožići, Orah, Zasjek, Začula, Planik, Obrće, Vlaštica, Uskoplje and Ledenice); Površ (with the settlements: Ljubovo, Biograd, Orašje, Mrnjići, Ljekovo, Slivnica, Zagradinje, Bijela, Grebeni, Sopoštica, Drijen, Bobovište, Bobova Ljut, Glavska, Poljice and Kremeni Do); Vrsinje (Zupci) - (with the settlements: Dubrava, Sutjeska, Konjsko, Orašje, Turmenti and Rapti); Trebinjsko polje (with the settlements: Police, Trebinje, ćičevo, Mokro, Zgonjevo, Priđvorci and Gomiljani); Pobrđe (with the settlements: Necvijeće, Mičevac, Jasen, Goica, Pođgljiva, Zasad, Zagora); and Lug (with the settlements: Hum and Cicina); which could be seen today as smaller but clearly recognizable places. A large number of funeral mounds, the stećak necropolis, chapels and church sites, old houses and mansions, as well as the abandoned settlements testify about a population density of this region in the Middle Ages.
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The life of Dragutin Lerman can be divided into two parts. The first is when, despite being a minor, he was selected for an expedition led by Henry Morton Stanley on behalf of the Belgian king Leopold II. As one of the expedition's few survivors, he advanced significantly in the hierarchy of the newly established government of Western Congo, which resulted in his audience with the King and the King bestowing high honors on him. The first part includes his return to his homeland and his successful business in Požega. In this period, fortune complete abandoned him, and because of his frequent and naïve trust in people (the flight of the teller with the bank's capital) and some serious accidents (factory fire, mine flooding, fire in apartment), his enterprises failed completely, which led to his final separation from his wife Hedviga. His departure from Požega, in which he never set foot again, and his attempts over several years to find work in France (some claim in Belgium and Austria, too) and money, with which he would restore his reputation in his homeland and live with Hedviga again were unsuccessful, and after a short stint with his sister Marija and niece Milica in Nova Kapela, where he eagerly awaited correspondence from France, in 1911 he arrived, obviously with the assistance of a French bank, in Bosnia, in Kreševo, where he settled in Široka ulica, in the house of the Ban family, and soon started his all-encompassing work on researching mineral deposits. This was the second part of his life, in which, excepting the reasons for his arrival and unsuccessful attempts to, at least through rare communications, connect the threads of what once was until his arrival in Kreševo, he had no more connections to his past, and which contributed to a different working environment and then the onset of the Great War and everything that the war brought with it. Very little is known about the first few years Lerman spent in Kreševo other than his plans were interrupted by the Great War: as Austro-Hungary and France (like Belgium) were on opposite sides, he was left without the financial support of the French bank and without the pension granted to him by Leopold II. This, however, was not all because the war also brought general conscription, leaving him without miners who were sent to the frontlines, and it was becoming more difficult to obtain financial and technical supplies (explosives and the like) necessary to continue working. Because of the sea blockade against Austro-Hungary, there was a complete lack of foodstuffs, clothing, footwear and everything else, which completely destabilized the market, so prices changed on a daily basis which led to famine and people rebelling from time to time. Seeking mineral deposits and giving priority to potential deposits necessary for the military industry (copper and manganese), Lerman was constantly looking for means with which he could finance his work, but which he achieved only partially. Despite exceptionally difficult working conditions, he decided to expand his research to Herzegovina, first in the Konjic region, and then in other regions from Široki Brijeg, Čitluk and Ljubuški, via Čapljina, to Stolac and Ljubinje. He had at his side, by virtue of the Viennese-Zagreb entrepreneur Sigmund Rosenberger, who had partially financed his activities in Kresevo, expert geologists like dr. Ivo Turina, dr. Frano Tućan and dr. Niko Andrijašević. They managed to locate several of the richest mineral deposits and Lerman, alone or together with Rosenberger, was granted many concessions from the Miners Captaincy for Bosnia and Herzegovina. He never got to the exploitation stage, as the war lasted longer than expected and Lerman died several months before the war ended. Research to date on Lerman's activities have focused exclusively on his activities in Bosnia, concretely in Kreševo, where he lived, whilst his activities in Herzegovina were not mentioned at all, let alone the focus of particular attention (obvious from the above), which is necessary to gain a complete, rounded impression of the aims and methods of his whole enterprise. Some of the mentioned mineral deposits were exploited in the following decades (bauxite in Dabrica and Poplat near Stolac, and in Domanovići near Čapljina, bitumen in Mišljen near Ljubinje), and some are still being exploited today (bauxite in the regions of Široki Brijeg and Čitluk).
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In the short paper on the medieval history of Zenica and the surroundings, the proof has been found at the archaeological monuments, published resources, less from the unpublished material in Dubrovnik (Ragusa). All the available facts point c tut a medieval settlement, it is difficult to make some definite conclusions, except that at the time of Kulin banus’(governor) a great deal of events happened concerning the political and religious life. The intention of the paper is to encourage some further researches of the independent medieval Bosnian state, particularly of the reason, the first mention of this town, under the name Zenica, on 20 March 1436.
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