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The article offers a historical perspective on examination in public secondary schools at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century –a period of maximum expansion of secondary education. The first part of the article focuses on the institutionalization and formalization of examination practices, while the second one discusses the shaping of the examinations as a topic, following the discourses produced by different social actors. In the second half of the 19th century, the school was perceived as an instrument for social mobility based on the meritocratic ideal and as an element of national and state building, being given the role of inoculating a national identity. Within this socio-educational context, secondary schools represent the recruitment pool of the administrative elite and ensure the acquisition of cultural capital necessary for accessing various positions, all these aspects shaping the social functions of exams. The documentary analysis based on archival sources revealed a nuanced social perspective, in which the teaching staff and the parents give new meanings to the concept of examination and design new functions for exams.
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AbstractStarting from previously unexplored primary sources, namely the syllabi of french literature developed for the first time at the University of Bucharest in 1948-1949, this article aims to illustrate the transformations of foreign literature teaching in Romania at that time, in the context of the education-reform decree adopted by the new Communist regime. In the field of French literature, which was an important tool in disseminating the official ideology, the analysis of these syllabi, both from the point of view of the authors, professors trained in the interwar period, such as Nicolae N. Condeescu (1904-1966) and of the pedagogical contents conveyed (literary works, writers, explanatory discourses), shows the internal mechanisms of the Sovietizationprocess put into practice by the new regime.
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Book review, Maria Bucur,Eroi și victime: România și memoria celor două războaie mondiale, Traducere de Roxana Cazan, Ioan Bucur și Dan Bălănescu, Iași, Polirom, 2019, 357 pp. (Andrei CUȘCO) done by Andrei Cusco
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Karen Offen, “Was Mary Wollstonecraft a Feminist?: A Contextual Re-reading of A Vindication of the Rights of Woman, 1792-1992”, u: Quilting a New Canon, Stitching Women's Words, ed. by Uma Parameswaran, Sister Vision 1996, pp. 3-24.
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In this text the author reflects on Lyotard’s analysis of Duchamp’s, Ayme’s and Newman’s art, developed in an attempt to deal with the “paradox” of art “after sublime”. Her analysis demonstrate that the problem of discontinuities and incongruities is basic not only for aesthetic figures of representation, but also for political implications of these figures. Duchamp’s art proves to be of particular importance for this problem, for Duchamp appears a researcher of topology, who invents new syntax and establishes incongruities. An effect of that is an incongruity of points of view, in aesthetic as well as in political sense. The author shows that Duchamp’s “discovery” of incongruities has a particular importance for Lyotard because it changes “political geometry”. Individuals-citizens are not undifferentiated any more, but they must differ one from another, as well as by their position: one from everybody else.
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Maximus the Confessor’s Ambiguum 41 contains some rather atypical observations concerning the distinction of sexes in the human person. There is a certain ambiguity as to whether the distinction of the sexes was intended by God and is ‘by nature’ (as found in Genesis and asserted by most Church Fathers) or a product of the Fall. Namely, Christ is described three times as “shaking out of nature the distinctive characteristics of male and female”, “driving out of nature the difference and division of male and female” and “removing the difference between male and female”. Different readings of those passages engender important implications that can be drawn out from the Confessor’s thought, both eschatological implications and otherwise. The subject has been picked up by Cameron Partridge, Doru Costache and Karolina Kochanczyk–Boninska, among others, but is by no means settled, as they draw quite different conclusions. The noteworthy and far-reaching implications of Maximus’ theological stance and problems are not the object of this paper. In a 2017 paper I attempted to demonstrate what Maximus exactly says in these peculiar and oft-commented passages through a close reading, in order to avoid a two-edged Maximian misunderstanding: to either draw overly radical implications from those passages, projecting decidedly non-Maximian visions on the historical Maximus, or none at all, as if those passages represented standard Patristic positions. Here, I am revisiting this argument, given that the interest in what the Confessor has to say on the subject seems to be increasing.
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There has been much attention devoted in the last decade and especially in the last few years to Maximus the Confessor’s beliefs concerning sexual difference and its removal. The most important text on this topic is Ambiguum 41. There has been mixed reception of this text, with some scholars advocating that Maximus believes that sexual difference was absent from original human nature and will return to such a state in the eschaton; and other scholars believing that this should be read as a metaphorical absence. This article re-evaluates the text in question and argues that the former position should be maintained. It goes some way to bring together current scholarship on the text and to answers questions that arise from the opposing reading.
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This paper explores the different dimensions of racism, to build a category of State racism that allows to analyze the indigenist device, with a double objective. First, to expose the efforts to systematize the racist theories and practices that base the organized intervention and regulated on the indigenous population. Second, show how, despite the fact that indigenist policies have been substantially modified, state racism subsists, not so much because of its forms (which are largely hidden) but because of its foundations and objectives, namely: discrimination, subordination, segregation, exploitation, dispossession and extermination of culturally differentiated ethnic groups. For this, two paradigmatic devices of indigenist policies are analyzed: assimilationist miscegenation and forced sterilization.
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In the history of economic thought, many schools have existed, and these schools exhibited different characteristics from each other as methodological. Some schools have argued that economics will be the basis of science, and that there are the general laws and rules that will be valid in all conditions regardless of place and time like in physical science, and these schools have placed mathematics as the basis of their analysis and made a goal. These schools have been evaluated within the orthodox economic approach. Some schools argued economics is a social science, and the problems encountered have a social characteristic, so it cannot be considered independent from society. From this point of view, they argued that no general rules that would be valid in every condition, and time. They also argued that mathematics can be considered as a tool rather than a goal in economics. Schools that have this mentality are considered as heterodox economic approaches. Institutional economics is one of the schools that first come to mind, when it is called heterodox theory. In the study, discussions will be made about whether institutional economics should be evaluated within a heterodox or an orthodox economic trend. Institutional economics plays an important role in the development of economic thought. Institutional economics emphasize the importance of institutions in the economic system as an alternative to the analysis of Neoclassical economics based on rational human, equilibrium, deductive and abstraction. In the study, while the idea of evaluating the New institutionalists within heterodox economics is approached with suspicion, it is generally evaluated that Old Institutional economics is within the scope of heterodox economics due to their opposition to Neoclassical economics doctrine.
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The article is dedicated to the ways the Byzantine authors in X century sow Bulgaria and its people from the point of view of ethnicity. According to them Bulgaria was a multiethnic state in which easily differ two ethnicities – Slavs and Bulgars and the second until the end of the century are defined as Turkic people similar to the Hazars, Cumans, Avars and Huns. The term Bulgar(ian)s is used as a general term for the whole population of the state and at the same time as an ethnic term for the population on the territory of nowadays Dobrudzha. It is followed the evolution in the way in which Bulgaria and its population is seen from the moment of the Christianization till the growth into Empire. During this time, the state is seen in a way similar to the way in which the Byzantines are perceived, and the two up-ethnic formations – Byzantines and Bulgarians started to be accepted as the two parts of the God’s people – Israel and Judea. In all moments, parallels are given with the Slavic, Latin and Arab sources.
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The foundation of this text is the hermeneutical horizon of the philosophy of history, and, precisely, the philosophy of macedonian history. The author examines the possibility for postulating a nexus between the historical and political thought of Krste Petkov Misirkov and the philosophy of freedom of german idealistic philosopher F. W. J. Schelling. However, the whole horizon of german idealistic philosophy takes place in this essay. The conceptualization of macedonism in Misirkov’s book from 1903 “On macedonian matters” is understood in the terms of Scheling’s philosophy of apsolute being and the human being, such as history of selfrevelation, potentia, indifferentia, differentia, the imannence of self-conciousness, philosophy of freedom. Misirkov’s historical thinking is deeply philosophical in its essence, and it provides concepts for self-constitution of macedonian self as act of freedom and selfdetermination.
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Most European Byzantinologists recognize Greece as the successor of Byzantium, more precisely, they consider Byzantium to be a Greek state, which is not in line with the sources. This is probably the source of the complete misunderstanding in European political circles, so in accordance with the medieval Byzantine doctrine, the state recognized by Byzantium was internationally recognized, and this is reflected in today's Greek politics, so that the Balkan state recognized by Greece is recognized. and from the European Union and becomes a member of the European family. Macedonia as a separate state has never been recognized by Byzantium nor now by Greece, so it can not become a member of the European family, which is largely built on the example of Byzantium. The question remains: why do European politicians attach so much importance to Greece in building a new European society?
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