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The article deals with the problem of protecting military secrets in 1946, amid the Cold War and the post-war reform of state security bodies. The aims of the article are to identify a new specific composition of classified military information, as well as to review and analyze the measures carried out by the state, represented by Glavlit and the Commissioner for the Protection of Military and State Secrets in the Press under the Council of Ministers of the USSR, to protect military secrets during the studied period. The conclusions made by the author confirm the facts of the adequate response of the state, represented by its competent bodies, to new challenges, both political and military, and to the changing composition and content of secret information requiring protection in the military field. Obtained materials help to trace the transformation of information items classified as military secrets, and to identify the activities of the Soviet censorship apparatus and state security bodies aimed at protecting military secrets at the beginning of the Cold War.
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The novelty of the study is determined by introducing some previously unpublished sources to academic community. The author uses legislative acts and archival documents for the first-of-its-kind analysis of the activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Karelo-Finnish Soviet Socialist Republic (KFSSR) and the Republican Committee on Physical Culture and Sports aimed at providing assistance to the army, creating training courses for ski instructors, hand-to-hand and bayonet combat training, and reconstructing basic sports facilities. During the war, the Committee organized sports competitions among military personnel, members of partisan detachments, and local population. The study focuses on the problems and difficulties of organizing physical education, and shows the results of the sporting activities. The author’s conclusions were drawn on the analysis of the government’s orders issued during the Great Patriotic War, as well as the materials of the KFSSR’s Council of Ministers (f. R-1394) and the State Committee on Physical Culture, Sports and Tourism (f. R-860), which are stored in the National Archive of the Republic of Karelia. The restoration of the historical details of physical culture and sports development between 1941 and 1944 (establishing city district committees on physical culture and sports, funding issues, interaction between the KFSSR government, executive committees of the district councils and the local population) will help to fill in the gaps in the history of the Great Patriotic War in Karelia.
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This article presents the main documents issued by the Jewish Party of Romania, from the moment of its establishment (1931) until 1936. They show the general policy of the party, i.e. its programmatic claims for collective emancipation, for equal rights to all citizens of the country. In general, these documents were published in the press of the time and in brochures edited by the Party. Unlike the Union of Romanian Jews, the Jewish Party was a national political organization that campaigned for the recognition of the national minority status for Romanian Jews.
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The aim of our paper is to examine how the Jewish past in Romania was presented during two decades of the Communist period, 1956-1976, in Revista Cultului Mozaic, the official publication of the Jewish Communities Federation and of the Chief Rabbinate of the country. What was the level of the presentation of the Jewish past? In what forms were the articles written? Was this presentation a way to help the Jews of Romania search for their roots, or was it a form of apologetics? Who were the persons and institutions interested in that presentation of the Jewish past in Romania, and why? Who were the authors of the articles? Did that presentation influence Jewish life in Romania? To answer these questions, we reviewed the collection of Revista Cultului Mozaic of 1956-1976.
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The study refers to political forms of gathering of young nationalists in 1920’s Romania, reviewing a number of student organizations and congresses that best describe the atmosphere of the first decade after the Great War. Emphasis is placed upon the activity of radical nationalist groups that preached anti-Semitism, xenophobia, anti-communism and forceful actions. It was from these groups that the Legion of the Archangel Michael, led by Corneliu Codreanu, spun off, in 1927. Nationalist groups grew in the postwar atmosphere – a crisis of identity, a political, social, economic crisis, etc. – in which a radical reconfiguration of the political commitment and a change of generations seemed to be a must. The discourse in favor of national regeneration, of the “new generation”, imagined a series of enemies, among whom Jews occupied a central position. The study focuses on the pogrom in Oradea, in 1927, when thousands of young people came to this town with the support of the authorities in order to take part in a large nationalist rally. They devastated Jewish neighborhoods, vandalizing synagogues, private homes and shops. This act of violence was also the result of the ambivalent attitude of the central and local authorities: they apparently sought to discourage the crimes of the youngsters through the efforts of the police, but, in fact, they tolerated and actually encouraged the violence against the Jews.
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This paper reviews the outstanding contributions of Alexandru Zub to the study of modern Romanian and world historiography and bibliography. Beginning with a brief treatment of Zub’s life and philosophy of history, it continues by surveying his work on Kogălniceanu, Xenopol, Pârvan, Iorga, and others, his erudite analyses of the history of history in Romania in the 19 th and 20 th centuries and an encyclopedic variety of other studies.
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vThe doctrine of normativism initiated by German lawyer Hans Kelsen was very popular in the interwar period. One of the Polish continuators and propagators of normativism was professor of law Szymon Rundstein. He was in favor of studying the law in its pure form, without taking into account the influence of sociological, psychological, historical or political factors. The subject of Rundstein’s study was the law analyzed “formally and schematically”, regardless of the criterion of its validity. The novelty of the Warsaw lawyer’s theory was that he modified the theory of Hans Kelsen. He replaced the concept of Grundnorm with the concept of “the idea of law”, which was an expression of a phenomenological approach to law. Rundstein’s theory of law became an inspiration for many of today’s theoreticians of state and law.
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The intention of the occupation forces to close off the occupied territory to the flow of information that would prevent the citizens of Belgrade from being informed using other channels, experienced failure. The citizens of this city listened intensely to forbidden radio stations and transmitted information by word of mouth. Occupiers, collaborators, allies, resistance movements, and crimes in the NDH were dominant themes in Belgrade's illegal discourse. The emergence of national poets writing poems with a political connotation was entirely in accordance with the tradition of the Serbian people. We can see clearly that Belgrade restaurants, in this period, also served as a kind of news agency, where one could get all kinds of information or listen to banned songs. Markets, streets, and other places of gathering, where informal conversations were held, were sources where Belgrade citizens could get in touch with forbidden information. Individual examples of violations of a verbal delict, such as Aleksandar Ignjatović, a watchmaker and Leontina Kraus, a teacher, show that there were people among citizens who were not afraid of the repressive measures and threats by the occupation forces and who risked and lost their lives to defend the dignity of the occupied Serbian population. From the very first day, the occupier emphasized that listening to banned radio stations and conducting anti-occupation propaganda would undergo severe punishment. Police and security institutions used a network of associates and police commissioners on the field to prevent this phenomenon and reveal the offenders. Many cases were also discovered on the base of information collected from denunciations. After the investigation, some of the arrested were shot, while others were put into concentration camps or got lighter sentences, which proves that the repressive system did not have unified punishment maintenance. Parallel with police operations, the occupier acted preventively using propaganda. This way the regime intended to intimidate those who spread forbidden news. The need for the implementation of these acts of repression and propaganda is a good example that proves that a lot of people listened to forbidden radio stations and violated verbal delict. Despite the fact that listening to forbidden radio stations and violating the verbal delict was not in correlation with the achievement of military forces goals of the Allies, this kind of unarmed and civil resistance in Belgrade was of great importance. Firstly, we would like to emphasize its moral value. This kind of behavior represented the main defense against the intentions of the invader to crush fundamental values of a society, such as freedom of speech and the right to be informed. Anti-occupation rhetoric speeches compromised the regime and had negative influence on the tendency of the occupier to get the support of the domestic population by use of propaganda, which was one of preconditions for pacification and the exploitation of the occupied territory. Spontaneous spreading of news criticizing the occupier, accented victories of the Allies and defeats of the Wehrmacht were an equally important factor for the affirmation of organized resistance among the domestic population. Undoubtedly the listening of this news could influence the citizens of Belgrade to „run to the woods“ and participate in organizations or support resistance movements as their sympathizers.
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On 1 July 1997, the United Kingdom officially handed over the territory of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China. This event had a symbolic meaning. It marked the end of a stage in China’s history which began in the middle of the 19th century and was described as a time of humiliation. Hong Kong was supposed to be an example of practical implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s political concept of “one country, two systems”, which assumed the possibility of functioning of different economic and political systems in one country. Despite the passage of time, questions remain as to what China’s attitude to the regained territory will be; to what extent the provisions of the 1984 agreement signed between the governments of the People’s Republic of China and the United Kingdom and the 1990 Basic Law for the region will be respected by China, and thus what the political, economic and social situation in Hong Kong will look like until its complete reintegration, i.e., by 2047, and what the future of Hong Kong will be.
More...Narracja a interpretacja obrazów. Perspektywa dydaktyczna
The culture of nowadays is called the culture of sound and picture. Paradoxically, we have more and more difficulties in reading it’s symbols clearly; we grudgingly make an attempt on interpretation of it more deeply. This article is a critical evaluation on how the ikon and literature sources were used in a cultural education during the history lessons. The instruction in the type of learning was shown and the basic mistakes of publishing: selection, characterization and interpretation were discussed. In the article some choice of picture and pies of literature were used.
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It is a truism that personal relationships among highly intelligent and creative people-friendships in particular, but also animosities and even certain kinds of hatreds that are friendships in reverse-are enormously complex affairs. They are alway s in flux and, over shorter or longer periods of time, they can change dramatically, be lost or regained, bloom or wither, or vanish altogether as if they had never existed. Friendships are at once extremely fragile and amazingly resilient. A trifle-a casual remark, a minor inattention, even a smile at the wrong moment-can destroy a great friendship forever; paradoxically, a strong intellectual disagreement may affect it only slowly, and not irreversibly. [...]
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The review of: Andras Sajo. Limiting Government: An Introduction to Constitutionalism. Budapest: Central European University Press, 1999. 292 pp.
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Analysis of political-propaganda actions of Western media during the Yugoslav crisis with the role in breaking the second Yugoslav state is performed in the paper, on basis of the previously theoretically determined idea of propaganda and political propaganda. By character, it was “propaganda of war” and in certain intervals it was “war propaganda”, while the subject of stigmatization were the Serbs, therefore it was decidedly anti-Serbian by the character. Direct occasion for this analysis were scientific researches of Dr. Slobodan Vukovic regarding the Yugoslav crisis, the role of foreign (Austrian, German, British and American) print media in the development of anti-Serbian propaganda as the basis for the breakage of Yugoslavia and the war against the Serbian people and Serbia. In his works (in the period 2000-2018), especially in the last two-volume compound Serbs in the Narrative of the West: “Humanitarian” NATO Intervention, Vukovic successfully arguments the thesis about the centennial continuous anti-Serbian propaganda and the policy of the West based on it regarding the Serbs, which is the consequence in the greatest extent of the German revanchism for the lost two world wars, but also the result of other interests of the Western forces.
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The ongoing Black Lives Matter protests following the murder of George Floyd in the USA in the spring of 2020 invigorated a 25-year-old debate on the issue of race and Flannery O’Connor. This debate, triggered by an article in the New Yorker, caused a stir to “cancel” Flannery O’Connor. In the light of her being published in Macedonian for the first time this fall, I have attempted to analyze her contested and controversial short story “The Artificial Nigger” by taking into account the issue of race. My analysis aims to show that O’Connor’s intention and overall ethos of the story is undoubtedly anti-racist, serving to criticize racism in the segregated South through the ridicule of the white characters in the story. However, I also take into account O’Connor’s dominantly white perspective that reduces the black characters to tropes. Finally, I conclude that removing Flannery O’Connor’s work out of its historical and social context wrongly diminishes her value and robs the readers of her narrative genius.
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The article aims to survey the research on intellectual history in Estonia during the first two decades of the 21st century. In order to appreciate the current institutional status of the discipline and its state of research, the first part of the article gives a short overview of the earlier history of the research field in Estonia against the back¬ground of the developments elsewhere in the world. The history of ideas or intel¬lectual history emancipated as a distinct field of study in Sweden and the United States in the 1930s, and gained broad acceptance at universities in Western countries after World War II. Although in Estonia scholarly interest in the ideas of the past can be traced back to the early 20th century, the development of the discipline was hindered by the long period of the Soviet occupation, when materialist MarxistLeninist doctrine as the only acceptable interpretation of history was enforced. Nevertheless, despite ideological pressure and censorship, progress was made in various aspects of the earlier intellectual history in Estonia, such as the history of education and science, or the ideas of the ‘national awakeners’ in the 19th century. Since the regaining of independence in the 1990s, intellectual history as an aca¬demic research field has gained an increasingly important status in Estonian aca¬demia, which can be explained by four factors. Firstly, historians who started their careers in the Soviet period were able to publish the results of their lifelong research without censorship. Secondly, a new generation of historians has emerged who have received their degrees in various European centres of the study of intellectual his¬tory, and have upon their return initiated similar research and teaching at Estonian universities. Thirdly, there has been a notable shift in neighbouring disciplines of the humanities towards questions and approaches characteristic of intellectual his¬tory, among them literary studies, classical studies, religious studies, history of science, art history, history of law, etc. Intellectual history has often functioned as the meeting point for these fields in a situation in which interdisciplinary cooper¬ation has been enhanced both by the smallness of Estonian academia and the pref¬erence of funding bodies for largescale projects. Fourthly, the key texts by historical authors have been made easily available to the general public, which has increased general interest and facilitated teaching and research in intellectual history. Most important among these is the History of Estonian Thought (Eesti mõttelugu) book series published by Ilmamaa, although one should also note the digital databases developed by Tartu University Library and the National Library of Estonia. As a result of these factors, in the early 21st century several academic positions in the field of intellectual history, the history of political thought and political philosophy have been created at the Universities of Tartu and Tallinn.
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