Интервю на д-р Анатолий Кънев с проф. дин Иваничка Георгиева
This interview is about the role of history in our lives, about the tradition and their rethinking in the modern world of globalization.
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This interview is about the role of history in our lives, about the tradition and their rethinking in the modern world of globalization.
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The article presents the development of the idea of a nation by comparing constitutional and social processes in Slovenia and Ukraine from the second half of the 19th century to the end of the 20th century. Upon examining the documentary and narrative sources on the formation of the Ukrainian and Slovenian nations, the authors point out that both Slovenians and Ukrainians co-existed within one country – the Austro-Hungarian Empire – as well as to the chronological and thematic similarity of historical independence movement processes in both countries, focusing on the period of Austria-Hungary, as well as on the time after World War I and World War II. The emphasis is on defining the following terms: What is a “national idea” compared to the political and state-related idea? What is the difference between the Slovenian and Ukrainian national idea? How should we define the “Slovenian nation” and the “European nation” today?
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This article was reprinted from „Macedonian Tribune" newspaper in the USA dated 31 July, 1975 and is of editorial character. Was printed out on the occasion of the cry, given out in Skopje, against the celebration of the 6СГ anniversary of the famous poet Venko Markovski in Sofia. This great author of Bulgarian documentary literature in a former proponent of macedonianism, and after understanding its anti-Bulgarian and Serbian nature, he became its zealous opponent.
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The active political contact between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in the beginning of the 60s is one of a number of attempts to regain the successive dialogue in their relations.
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At the beginning of 1918 Ion Mihalache was among the members of a special group of 94 schoolteachers and professors sent to Bessarabia by the Government in Iaşi in order to mitigate the anti-Romanian attitudes and to smooth the way to a possible closeness to Romania. Various details are known within the Romanian historiography regarding the period when Mihalache was on the left side of river Prut and they were presented in some papers appeared after 1990. Through our text we take a historiographical insight of the activity carried out in Bessarabia based also on recently identified documentary information which can extend as well as enrich the already existing perspective within the literature dedicated to the Union of the Moldavian Democratic Republic with the Romanian Kingdom.
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The article is devoted to Titu Maiorescu (1840–1917), literary critic, philosopher, professor, politician, founding member of the Romanian Academy, the man who gave Romanian culture the shape and structure it exhibits even today. He was also the spiritual mentor of the Junimea (Youth) cultural association. The author outlines the methods employed by Maiorescu in his attempt to synchronize Romanian culture with that of Western Europe. At the core of the study lies the concept of “forms without substance” (1868), Maiorescu’s original contribution to the philosophy of culture, describing, in organicist-evolutionist terms, the crisis experienced by Romanian society following the hasty and indiscriminate imitation of Western models. In order to achieve a balance between European forms and European substance, contended Maiorescu, the imitation of Western structures should be selective and proceed at a slower pace. Highlighting one of the consequences of the hasty imitation of Western structures, the fracture between the upper classes and the commoners, Maiorescu formulated what the author calls his ethical-political imperative: the obligation of the upper classes to pursue knowledge and to do their utmost to elevate the lower classes to the level of the already imported forms. The author presents the long-term influences of Maiorescu’s ideas, over five generations of followers.
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This article aims to present the outcomes of research conducted by the author on the Huguenots as educators for the Dutch nobility. This topic has been chosen because during the entire period covering the second half of the 16th century until the mid-18th century, many French Calvinists, also known as Huguenots, were either escaping from religious persecution by Catholic authorities, or emigrating for economic reasons to the United Provinces of the Netherlands.
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The Yugoslav idea was an intellectual concept rather than a result of the national development of the southern Slavic nations, including the Croats. Influenced by the Yugoslav idea, the Croat intelligentsia and politicians envisaged Yugoslavia as a federal community of nations, whereas the majority of their Serbian colleagues viewed it as a means for the territorial expansion of Serbia. In the Kingdom of Serbia, the Yugoslav idea was merely an auxiliary means to forming the programme of Greater Serbia. These two essentially conflicting concepts of the State were at the core of the political skirmishes in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and were among the causes for its rapid collapse in 1941.
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В прошлогодней „Летописи Музея народного освобождения Н. Р. Словении” в статье „Партизанские знамена в первый год народноосвободительного движения теоретически изучалось, при помощи "ссылок на приказы военного руководства, развитие нашего партизанского знамени. При этом было показано несколько характерных партизанских знамен, говорящих о развитии этого символа. В этом году были изучены три характерных знамени: Знамя первого словенского ударного батальона „Тоне Томшич”, знамя Засавского батальона „Алойзий Хохкраут” и словенский национальный флаг Западно каринтийского — (позже северно - каринтийского) батальона. На оформление этих знамен влияли постановления руководства народноосвободительного движения, ^ также самоинициатива и эстетическое чувство народных масс. Результаты этого исследования показывают, как развивалась окончательмая форма наших военных знамен стаьшая позже единой для всех частей Народноосвободительной армии.
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The first issue published in 2019 of Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies embraces some aspects of dissent and conformist tackled during the conference from how these attitudes had manifested back in the 13th century Iceland to the issue of contemporary migrants and their interaction with their new home societies in Scandinavia, while also paying tribute to key manifestation of dissent and conformism during World War II, the Cold War and Iron Curtain. The second issue of the journal will continue to offer our readers access to new approaches on dissent and conformism in modern and contemporary Northern and Baltic regions.
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The article applies a constructivist approach to the idea of dissidence and the ‘figure’ of the dissident. Its first thesis is that it is not only action (i.e. expressions of dissent), which is constitutive of dissidence, but also the price paid for non-conformity: being censored, marginalised, repressed, exiled, even murdered. Therefore suffering (passion in the Christian sense) is no less important than active dissent. The second and main thesis is about the crucial role of the recognition, i.e. ‘gaze’ – from outside, through transnational contacts and presence in Western media, and from inside, in the local dissident publicity (insofar as it existed). These ideas are employed to make sense of the Bulgarian debate on dissidence in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
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The text follows the net of conspiracy theories, produced in the 1990s and known under the common label ‘Operation wedge’. The paper is based on researches and memories of the active participants in the political life of Bulgaria during this period. The ‘Operation wedge’ is followed in three key moments: the first democratic elections in 1990, accepted as falsified till present days; the hunger strike of 39 deputies which led to the division of the democratic forces into ‘true’ and ‘false’ democrats, the government of the ‘true’ democrats who voluntarily relinquished power. The thesis of the author is that the invention of conspiracy theories in which some of their authors sincerely believe, served as justification of the powerlessness in implementing power. Addictions to symbols instead to pragmatics actually led to the collapse of the government of the Union of the Democratic Forces which by that time held all the levers of power. The most important of them are lost and the last ‘true’ democrats remained only with the reassurance that they are the sole rulers of the moral imperative.
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This study analyses the work of Azade Seyhan, a professor of comparative literature, Turkish literature, and German philosophy and literature. In exploring the literary categories of memory, exile, and identity, Seyhan problematizes the process of "writing outside of the nation," and in so doing, foregrounds such contemporary phenomena as the roles of national borders and writing in foreign languages. As a comparativist, Seyhan's work on Turkish literature is always inflected by a valorization of varied perspectives. This study explores her writings on the process of writing-in-exile. Seyhan theorizes identification, cultural memory, and foreignness. The interpretation of art in her theory is always invested in the application of methodologies from comparative literature and cultural theory.
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