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„Mă simt fără patrie”: construcții identitare etno-culturale în diaspora românească din Grecia

„Mă simt fără patrie”: construcții identitare etno-culturale în diaspora românească din Grecia

Author(s): Delia Stefenel / Language(s): Issue: 02/2013

Romanian migration in Mediterranean area has generated plenty of studies, but only few of them are analyzing the situation of Romanian minority in Greece. Starting from a hybrid methodology, the present paper is an attempt to localize and to nominate ethnic and cultural identity formation patterns among first-generation Romanians living in the Athens (n = 198). The main findings of our study reveal the auto/hetero - identification mechanisms specific to the bicultural practices, which are activated by means of attachment and cultural/ethnic salience and shaped by the ethno-categorical and intergroup relations.

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„MIASTO OGRÓD”. ANALIZA MOŻLIWOŚCI WYKORZYSTANIA WALORÓW URBANISTYCZNO-KRAJOBRAZOWYCH W PROMOCJI MIASTA I BUDOWANIU JEGO MARKI NA PRZYKŁADZIE WYBRANYCH MIAST POLSKICH

„MIASTO OGRÓD”. ANALIZA MOŻLIWOŚCI WYKORZYSTANIA WALORÓW URBANISTYCZNO-KRAJOBRAZOWYCH W PROMOCJI MIASTA I BUDOWANIU JEGO MARKI NA PRZYKŁADZIE WYBRANYCH MIAST POLSKICH

Author(s): Anna Hulicka / Language(s): Polish Issue: 02/2014

The main aim of the article was to determine which of the Polish “Garden Cities” used the historical urban system and their names as a brand. For this purpose, author analyzed most of the strategic documents and reports of the “Garden Cities”, ie. Podko-wa Lesna, Zabki, Milanowek, Komorow, Puszczykowo, Wroclaw (district Karlowice), Katowice (Giszowiec), Krakow (district Nowa Huta) and Sokolniki (municipality Ozor-kow). The research was focused on the online promotion of these cities and conducted by analysis of their websites and Facebook profiles. The results showed that most of the local governments support the concept of “Garden City”. Generally, effective urban policy is implemented in small cities and cities which have preserved their urban layout. This is noticeable in such cities: Podkowa Lesna and Milanowek. However, develop-ments in Katowice are particularly interesting, as the local government aims to change its image of being a “dirty” and “grey” into a green and friendly city. Podkowa Lesna, Mi-lanowek and Katowice have the best chance of becoming a recognised brand.

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„Micul reformator“ şi interesele conservatoare

„Micul reformator“ şi interesele conservatoare

Author(s): Mircea Vasilescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 483/2002

Victor Babiuc, well know Romanian politician, ministry in several Cabinets, was not on the font page in the last month. His “retiring” stops now, with this interview taken by Mircea Vasilescu. Reforms after 1989, European and NATO integration, privatization - here are some of the subjects discussed.

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„Międzyepoka” i miazmaty geopolityki
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„Międzyepoka” i miazmaty geopolityki

Author(s): Piotr Świtalski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5-6/2010

Globalization has weakened the role of historical and geographic factors in state development. Although not entirely eliminated, geography is no longer the decisive factor. Predicting future developments is a tall order indeed, given the ongoing trends in global politics. Are we at the threshold of another global confrontation? The question is not without importance for Poland, even if this time the confrontation line will not go across Europe.

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„Międzynarodowe życie rzeczy" w świetle „międzynarodowego życia osób"

„Międzynarodowe życie rzeczy" w świetle „międzynarodowego życia osób"

Author(s): Bartosz Hordecki / Language(s): Issue: 4/2014

The text emphasises that in European culture, the terms 'thing' and 'person', as well as 'subject and 'object', alongside their synonyms, have been changing their meanings, or rather acquiring new ones. Particular attention is given to the presentation of the following: 1. the transformation of the language used in the late Middle Ages which was most likely to have facilitated the modern transformation in thinking about the state and the individual (Ockham, nominalism); 2. parallelism of the modern concept of the state as subject (Richelieu, the concept of sovereignty) and the modern concept of the individual as subject (Descartes, the concept of autonomy). It is also indicated that since the 17th century the belief in the sovereignty of the state has alternated with the autonomy of the individual. Consequently, various types of objectification (for example, when individuals' powers are diminished for the sake of the state, or the other way around). Describing the relations of subjectivity-objectivity and subjectifi-cation-objectification their flagrantly dichotomous nature is emphasised, which has entrenched itself as a consequence of European logic. It is also stressed, however, that relentlessly contrasting 'subjects' with 'objects' and 'things' with 'persons' continues to constitute one of the foundations of Europeanness.

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„Milyen régiót akarunk?” (II.)

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 23/2002

In December 2001, at the meeting of the “Provincia” group, the “Memorandum to the Parliament of Romania” was adopted (initiative to reform the administrative structure of Romania). The article presents the second part of the debate that took place then, concerning the Romanian-Hungarian relations in Transylvania. Participants: Bakk Miklós, Al. Cistelecan, Caius Dobrescu, Smaranda Enache, Molnár Gusztáv, Ovidiu Pecican, Szilágyi N. Sándor and Szokoly Elek.

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„MNIEJ REFORMOWALNA NIŻ PAŃSTWO”. GŁOS HUMANISTÓW O PAN Z 1987 ROKU

„MNIEJ REFORMOWALNA NIŻ PAŃSTWO”. GŁOS HUMANISTÓW O PAN Z 1987 ROKU

Author(s): Marcin Kula / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2016

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„Modernizarea” monarhiilor. Problema monarhică în dezbaterea contemporan: analize, tipologii, reevaluări
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„Modernizarea” monarhiilor. Problema monarhică în dezbaterea contemporan: analize, tipologii, reevaluări

Author(s): Alexandru Muraru / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 9/2014

Our article studies a niche theme of modern political science, how contemporary monarchies are dealing with the public, politicians, the media, and the entire political system. The study also underlines the transformation of today’s monarchies in terms of political prerogatives and public profiles of the royal families’ members today. Article discusses the main angles of political science and historical literature through which has been dealt the monarchy issue. Especially in the Western world, from a political perspective, persists a particular strong confusion between two essentially different categories: between monarchy, which is a form of government, and democracy, which is a model of governance. The article illustrates and other connections with this specific confusion within the interwar political literature and latest approaches. Also, our study brings into discussion an Anglo-Saxon typology of contemporary monarchies (Tim Hames and Mark Leonard (1998)) by the personification of the political system depending on geographical area and reporting to the state.Our study discusses a typology of contemporary Anglo-Saxon monarchs (Tim Hames and Mark Leonard (1998)) by the personification of the political system by geographical area and reporting to the state. Starting from several Anglo-Saxon studies and the United Kingdom’s monarchy example, the article tries to point out that modernization of the monarchy was an irreversible process, gradual and necessary for nearing of the public to royalty. Our text draws an important conclusion: generally accepted hypothesis, by those involved - the debate on modernization of the monarchy does not question the role of the monarchy as a political principle and as a systemic form of government, but trying to bring in a contemporary surroundings practices, behaviors and image of a millenarian institution. The study reveals three types of attitudes of those involved in the debate on monarchy's modernization process. Finally, bringing into question the overall size of the British monarchy, the article concludes that the removal and lack of public confidence towards institutions, suggested an institutional crisis, a democratic skidding. This has been commonly translated by removing of the institutional actors towards responses, the needs and concerns of individuals.

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„Multilevel Governance” en pratique: considérations sur l’organisation régionale de la Roumanie

Author(s): Simion Costea / Language(s): French Issue: 3-4/2010

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„Mut zur Mühe“ - Laudatio für Walter Hildebrandt anlässlich seines 90. Geburtstages

„Mut zur Mühe“ - Laudatio für Walter Hildebrandt anlässlich seines 90. Geburtstages

Author(s): Helmut Skowronek / Language(s): German Issue: 03-04/2002

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„Nematerijalni“ kapitalizam, mnoštvo, višak i kritika političke ekonomije

Author(s): Alpar Lošonc / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 16/2009

If it be surmised that each significant thinker has only one important thought, then we must say that for Marx it was the critique of political economy. Marx’s achievement is a unique synthesis of critique and explanation of the structure of capitalism: the project of critique of political economy implicates a critique of separating politics and economy. In the post-Marx era, political economy has been deprived of its critical sting, and reduced to either ideological (in socialist societies) or purely political (in the capitalist ones) economics. And now, a globalised capitalism without adversaries raises the questíon whether a meaningful critique of political economy is still possible. In these circumstances, the philosophy of Spinoza is being introduced as a new impulse toward deliverance of marxism from its current crisis. Spinozistic marxism can be conceived as a hermeneutic intervention inside of Marx’s heritage, with the goal of dealing with aspects of finalism, objectivism and naturalism in his work, as well as with his modernising meta-narations, thus giving a socio-economic frame to questions of multitude, affects and power.Through a detailed analysis of its dominant representants, particularly Negri/Hardt’s post-operaismo, the author concludes that in these forms, Spinozistic marxism politicises the economy, thus causing it to lose its irreducibility in relation to politics, and jeopardising possibilities for an analysis of economical-political coevolution. In fact, the original ambition of Marx with the radical critique of work etc. is up to now unrealized theoretically and politically as well.

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„Nie tylko dla orłów”. Czy terroryści sięgają po hybrydowość?

„Nie tylko dla orłów”. Czy terroryści sięgają po hybrydowość?

Author(s): Kacper Rękawek,Peter Tanchak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2015

For many Central Europeans hybrid warfare is only available to strong states wishing to mask their involvement in conventional warfare, not to weak non-state actors. The article tests this hypothesis and looks at the organisations on the Foreign Terrorist Organisations list in an attempt to establish whether or not they meet the requirements of a hybrid threat. Such an analysis helps establish if non-state actors could and would go “where eagles dare,” reaching for solutions such as those adopted by the Russian Federation in Ukraine. If so, and indeed this will be shown to be the case, this offers valuable takeaway points also for the exposed NATO eastern flank, which borders on the hybrid-prone Russia.

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„Niech się bawią"? O związkach radykalności z karnawałem na demonstracjach publicznych kobiet.
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„Niech się bawią"? O związkach radykalności z karnawałem na demonstracjach publicznych kobiet.

Author(s): Dorota Rancew-Sikora,Magdalena Steciąg / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2017

The paper researches the relationship between radicalness and the carnival form of women's public demonstrations. The proposed multimodal analysis stresses the observation of the carnival dimension of women's protests in Poland in three meanings: as the reverse, strangeness and unfitness. It was conducted based on the example of Women's Strike in Zielona Góra, which is regarded as typical for a multi-location demonstration held on 8 March 2017. Simultaneously, references to other women's protests, that are in some distance in time and space are becoming clearly visible.

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„Nielojalne szable”? O badaniu zaplecza prezydenta miasta in spe za pomocą zmodyfikowanej metody AHP

„Nielojalne szable”? O badaniu zaplecza prezydenta miasta in spe za pomocą zmodyfikowanej metody AHP

Author(s): Maciej Drzonek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 12/2016

The article contents some results of research on political preferences of candidates for City Council in Szczecin. The survey was done just before the 2014 local elections. In the survey’s results published in this paper, the main object was to determine the relation of candidates for councilors to competition for the mayor of Szczecin. The analysis is focused on the issues of mayor’s potential attributes such as: previous achievements, personal competence, image, party affiliation and program for action in future. Moreover the concentration was also done on preferences of mayor’s candidates: it was very interesting to compare answers on the question who would be better mayor of Szczecin. In the research the modified Analytic Hierarchy Process methods was used. Firstly, the modification, called the method of weighting the selection preferences, showed Piotr Krzystek (mayor of Szczecin since 2006) as a most preferred pretender in 2014 - the majority of party electoral committees recognized him as a second choice candidate. Secondary, each electoral committee had disloyal followers.

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„Niesłychanie pożyteczni szaleńcy” Przedsierpniowi opozycjoniści w poszukiwaniu formuły realistycznego działania

„Niesłychanie pożyteczni szaleńcy” Przedsierpniowi opozycjoniści w poszukiwaniu formuły realistycznego działania

Author(s): Tomasz Gąsowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 25/2013

To assess a level of realism of the opposition in Poland before the “Solidarity” movement we must first determine its effects. The estimate as modest. Polish opposition members from the 70s failed to effectively influence the public mood to initiate systemic change in the country. There have also developed valuable doctrine, or any political approach to be applicable in a free country. From this perspective, political activities in the 70s was completely devoid of realism. This does not mean, however, that the efforts of this people have gone completely down the drain. The achievements of the opposition in non‑democratic system, which was a communist, another measure should be assessed.Undoubted achievements of the five‑years activity of several opposition tendencies was to create a new elite that since the birth of “Solidarity” to this day the tone of public life in Poland. It was also planting at different points of the country and different social group the seeds of contention for further life in the communist lie.

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„Noi” și „Ei”. Discursul unei «Biserici Naţionale» despre „libertate religioasă” și „pluralism religios”

„Noi” și „Ei”. Discursul unei «Biserici Naţionale» despre „libertate religioasă” și „pluralism religios”

Author(s): Raluca Dima / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 168/2012

The paper intends to deal with the manner in which a religious actor, the Romanian Orthodox Church, elaborates and reproduces its public discourse about „religious pluralism”. Building on Dominique Maingueneau’s notions of „generic scene” and „scenography” the analysis uses the public declarations of the Romanian Orthodox Church’s clergy during the period 1990-2004 in order to illustrate the motivations, the instruments and the effects of a particular discursive behavior. The main hypothesis of this study is that the discourse about „religious pluralism” is a construction based on different discourses placed in an interdependent relationship, the two most important among them being the discourse about the „self” („us”) and that about „the others” („them”) due to their complementary/symbiotic connection.

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„Nová kvalita“ obranné spolupráce Visegrádské skupiny v letech 2010–2014

„Nová kvalita“ obranné spolupráce Visegrádské skupiny v letech 2010–2014

Author(s): Karolina Gawron-Tabor / Language(s): Issue: 1/2015

The aim of the article is to analyse the actions taken by the Visegrád Group (V4) in 2010-2014 in the field of defence and the attempt to answer the question: To what extent do the decisions taken by the Visegrád Group represent anew quality in the cooperation? In the analysed period, the Visegrád Group presented the change in the approach to the defence cooperation. The evidence for this is: placing defence cooperation on the Visegrád agenda, presenting common positions on this issue in the international arena, involving into the discussion on the defence matters other countries in the Visegrád Group Plus (V4+) formula,and, above all, setting specific objectives to implement and create the institutional structures and procedures in the defence planning. The change in the approach is also indicated by the establishment of the Visegrád EU Battlegroup (V4 EU BG). The action taken indicatesthe new approach, but also, to some extent, createsanew quality of the cooperation. The new quality will mean effectively completed projects and acommon position consistently presented on the issues that are the most important for the region and particular countries.

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„Nowe otwarcie”? Stosunki polsko-niemieckie w okresie rządów koalicji PO-PSL (2007-2009)

„Nowe otwarcie”? Stosunki polsko-niemieckie w okresie rządów koalicji PO-PSL (2007-2009)

Author(s): Bogdan Koszel / Language(s): Polish Issue: 04/2009

The author forwards the thesis that after two years of administration of the PiS-LPR-Samoobrona coalition in Poland (2005-2007), characterized by an escalation of tension in relations with Germany, the PO-PSL coalition government of Donald Tusk opts for restoration of trust in contacts with Berlin. Prof. Władysław Bartoszewski, who enjoys considerable authority in the FRG, has been appointed the Prime Minister’s plenipotentiary for international relations. He managed to work out a compromise on the issue of establishing a „visible sign” in Berlin and withdrawal of Erika Steinbach from the implementation of this project. The European Union is now the main ground of Polish-German relations and their „Europeization” exerts growing influence on bilateral relations, as evidenced by Germany’s support of Jerzy Buzek’s election for President of the European Parliament. The author claims that Poland should approach cooperation with Germany, especially within the European Union, rationally, not being guided by short-term benefits or resentments but with assertiveness and consistently respecting its own interests as well as those of its partner. The present government conceives of the idea of Polish-German partnership in precisely those terms.

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„Nowy” patriotyzm niemiecki

„Nowy” patriotyzm niemiecki

Author(s): Zbigniew Mazur / Language(s): Polish Issue: 01/2008

The article characterizes the currently ongoing discussion in the Federal Republic of Germany on the shape of the so-called German patriotism. This syncretic and still rather vague conception, which has gained popularity in recent years, is yet another attempt to define German identity – after the ultra nationalistic, followed by the ‘‘European’’ and finally the one summed up in the formula of ‘‘constitutional patriotism’’. Its emergence should be connected with the project of transforming Germany into a ‘‘normal’’ state and nation.

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„Nu judecaţi, ca să nu fiţi judecaţi”: judecând elaborarea hotărârilor judecătoreşti

„Nu judecaţi, ca să nu fiţi judecaţi”: judecând elaborarea hotărârilor judecătoreşti

Author(s): David Lord Neuberger / Language(s): Issue: 2/2015

Lord Neuberger - Supreme Court of the United Kingdom - January 29, 2015 How Judges think Judicial cognitive bias Apparent bias Judges as lawmakers "In one of his many elegant and clever couplets, Alexander Pope identified the human aspect of judgement: “’Tis with our Judgments as our Watches, none Go just alike, yet each believes his own”. Every Judge, almost by definition, “believes his own”, at least when he gives his judgment. That does not mean that Judges do not have doubts while reaching their decisions. Inevitably, the level of doubt will vary with individual temperament. That is well illustrated by an email I received from a colleague (whom I shall not identify) after we had exchanged draft judgments, which came to the same conclusion, on an appeal. My colleague wrote “[My judgment is] an intensive review while yours is an anxious one. (I don’t really do anxiety-it is one of my many failings)”. A somewhat similar difference of epistemological approach can be detected in the Judges’ approach to their decisions. The French jurist Saleilles wrote: “one wills at the beginning the result; one find the principle afterwards; such is the genesis of all juridical construction” an “I call it as I see it ” approach. By contrast, his fellow countryman Montesquieu pictures judicial automatons, on the basis that “judges ... are only the mouths that pronounce the words of the law, inanimate beings, who can moderate neither its force nor its rigor” a “call it as it is” approach. In my experience, judicial decision - making is ultimately an iterative process, which involves a combination of both approaches, although the proportions may vary from case to case. And, it must be admitted, from Judge to Judge - some of us are more Salleillists and others more Montesquian. The revolutionary effect of the 1998 Act is, in summary terms, threefold. First, Judges are now called upon more frequently to rule on moral and political issues, given that is what human rights involve. This means that we have to engage on a review of the merits of any decision or action which impinges on an individual’s fundamental rights. Before the 1998 The effect of the Human Rights Act revolutionary in 1998: First, judges are now called upon to rule on issues far more moral and political, since it involves human rights. Which means you should perform a control substance of any decisions or actions that affect the fundamental rights of individuals. Judges currently have to shoulder the dual task of acting within their constitutional role while also policing the boundaries of what that role is. This is an unavoidable consequence of our current constitutional position. I have referred more than once this evening to the recent increase in judicial powers. With that increase in judicial power comes not merely an increase in Judicial responsibility, but an increase in the need for judicial self - awareness and self - restraint."

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