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This study is an analysis of the ultimate consequences of imple-menting some of the principles of postmodern politics, first, to dispense with the idea of universal-ity of rights and their contextual justification. The notion of univer-sal rights, in the classical-liberal sense, is a pleonastic one: the novelty that liberalism has brought was precisely that all people have rights. In these circumstances, to surrender this idea is not just a problem of liberalism, but an entire way of defining the human being, this waiver opening a Pandora's Box hard to close.
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The article focuses on the election process and the election results in Hungary. The author says that there were no free elections in Hungary that offered the people two so clearly different alternatives and that affected so much the Hungarians in Transylvania. Interpretations of the results.
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The article presents the biographies and philosophical views of two German thinkers of the twentieth century—Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger. Two world wars during the lifetime of one generation, not crowned neither with the final triumph of peace nor respite, formed, but in a very different way, these two philosophers. Hence the philosophy and politics influenced their life path, choices, decisions and pains. How did it happen, however, that Hannah Arendt came the way from theoretical to political philosophy, becoming one of the most important voices of political philosophy in the twentieth century, while Martin Heidegger, although made a dramatic attempt to create in his philosophy the foundations for a policy stuck in his hermetic language, unable (and after the war, not having had validation of life) to analyze on the basis of philosophy the political issues? Taken reflection is an attempt to answer the question of why the Jewish thinker became a philosopher of politics, and the German philosopher, although he wanted the metaphysics as a historical metapolitics of the nation has never had the right to do it. What was the source of the variability of these two thinkers? Was it only a difference of characters? Or maybe somewhere at the roots of their life choices lied the ideas they have lived and preached? Maybe that's why Heidegger after the war, chose the escape, unwilling or unable to deal with who Adolf Hitler turned out to be, what was the final solution, Auschwitz, genocide, while Arendt remained faithful to thinking and love showing people of twentieth century the origins of totalitarianism.
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Number of women taking the high places on the electoral registers and the number of mandates get by women during the last parliamentary election in Poland was never higher. Moreover women i.e. Ewa Kopacz, Beata Szydło and Barbara Nowacka represented important entities of the Polish political landscape. The aim of the article “Seym and Senate” was to show the participation of women in the last parliamentary election and their current presence in politics. During an election campaign in 2015 they were also seeking the answer to a question about the role, the place and the created media image of leaders of PO, PiS and of the United Left.
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Difficult political and economic situation of Ukraine is quoted as the reason underlying growing inflow of the nationals of that state to Poland. The most frequently used instrument to obtain the right of stay and employment in Poland by Ukrainians is comprised by the declaration of an employer on the intention to entrust employment to a foreigner. Growth in the number of registered declarations causes a reaction of the government aimed to restrict the scale of the inflow. At the same time in the debate before parliamentary elections in 2015 the topic was addressed very rarely. In the case of migration issues, the debate was pursued around the problem of potential arrival to Poland of refugees from African states, who reached the European Union. The paper contains a statistical analysis of the scale of inflow of Ukrainians to Poland and conclusions from a review of the election agendas that emerged before the 2015 parliamentary elections in terms of account taken of migration topics. The paper also shows evolution of Polish immigration policy in the first years of 2010s. On this basis, three scenarios were presented for changes in Polish immigration policy as a result of the so-called “Ukrainian crisis”.
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After having signed the Accession Treaty with the European Union on 9 December 2011, Croatia is going to enter the EU in July 2013. Until then, the new government, the so called “Kukuriku Coalition” lead by Zoran Milanović (SDP) and Vesna Pusić (HNS), elected in December 2011, has to do a lot of homework. The relations to the Post-Yugoslav neighbors turn out to be crucial, as open bilateral questions can hamper the EU enlargement process seriously. This article critically analyses, whether the newly elected government in its first year managed to break with old patterns of Croatian foreign policy and implement a “new”, consistent “European” foreign and good-neighborhood policy. It argues that the “Kukuriku” government showed a new foreign policy style of patience, conviction and pragmatism, thus managing to keep on the European course and the neighborly relations vivid – despite serious external irritations and internal skepticism towards neighbors and the EU. Nevertheless, the fact that Croatia will enter into the European Union with a package of open questions concerning the neighbors will bother the EU and challenge Croatia in the medium and long term.
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The author of the article by analyzing and interpreting Constant’s texts performs detailed reconstruction of the idea of freedom included in these texts. The author shows a close connection between Constant’s idea of freedom and of ideas developed by the French thinker and politician in his work on religion. Known classifications (made by Constant) between the individual and political freedom and between freedom of the ancient and modern thereby obtain specific philosophical justification.
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Traditionally, the 1989 East European revolutions were seen as mere regional events with, perhaps, international consequences. Retrospectively, the East European revolutions have some global „lessons“ to offer, which could be summarized as follows: the authentic democracy is an indigenous product and the successful democratization is a result of „negotiated revolution“; imperial overstretch leads to imperial breakdown; independent statehood could have both domino and boomerang effects; and the „self-limiting revolution“ offers a strategy for the self-emancipation of civil society in the era of globalization.
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Traditionally, the 1989 East European revolutions were seen as mere regional events with, perhaps, international consequences. Retrospectively, the East European revolutions have some global „lessons” to offer, which could be summarized as follows: the authentic democracy is an indigenous product and the successful democratization is a result of „negotiated revolution”; imperial overstretch leads to imperial breakdown; independent statehood could have both domino and boomerang effects; and the „self-limiting revolution” offers a strategy for the self-emancipation of civil society in the era of globalization.
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Atkurtajai Lietuvos valstybei jau peržengus pirmosios respublikos gyvavimo metų slenkstį, galima pastebėti viešojoje erdvėje intensyvėjančias pastangas palyginti abi respublikas, įvertinti jų pasiekimus, pagrindinius veikėjus. Šiame kontekste plika akimi matyti didelis autentiškos politinės minties, ypač politinių vizijų, vakuumas dabartinėje Lietuvoje, ryškėjantis žvelgiant į tarpukario politinės minties įvairovę. Žinoma, ir politinės aplinkybės tarpukario Lietuvoje buvo gerokai audringesnės: valstybė buvo nauja, nenusistovėjusių sienų, tradicinės valstybinės santvarkos – diskredituotos, Lietuvos ir Europos visuomenėse vyravo krizės, laikinumo nuojauta, todėl ir politinių idėjų poreikis buvo didesnis. Dabartinei Lietuvos politinei minčiai paprastai apsiribojant Vakaruose vyraujančių politinių idėjų kopijavimu, atidesnis žvilgsnis į savo politinės minties istoriją labai aktualus. Todėl Lietuvos politinės minties antologijų leidyba1, beje, vykdoma pagal Lietuvos mokslo tarybos Nacionalinę lituanistikos plėtros programą, gali tapti ne vien rinktinių tekstų kolekcija, bet galbūt ir paspirtimi vystytis šiuolaikinei lietuviškajai politinei minčiai.
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The article analyzes the Decision of the Constitutional Court no. 62 of 18 January 2007. It aims to show that the de-criminalization of insult and calumny, the object of said Decision, poses questions not of constitutionality – for it doubtlessly is constitutional – but of reasonability. In its „argument”, the Constitutional Court uses premises which, if accepted, would trigger radical consequences. The article shows that notions such the one that moral damages do not provide legal protection imply that any violation of the fundamental rights and freedoms needs a correlative sanction in the Criminal Code. The article claims that not only are the Court’s premises faulty, but its inferences fail to follow the rules of logic.
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Materials about the nature of personal relationships are an important source of information about everyday life. This article bring information on daily life and attention is focused on the city of Krakow. In addition leading themes, personal relationships contain a lot of information about the difficulties with the supply and quality of housing, the attitude towards the changes taking place in the city, functioning within the official public life and privacy. The purpose of this article is not to criticize source materials such as memoirs, or reflections on the formation and functioning of the memory of the war and occupation.
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The Polish United Workers Party in second half of the twentieth century exercised a dictatorship in Poland. The party controlled all spheres of public life – including those of the political, economic, and judicial. At the local level, the District Committee was an important institution of the PUWP. In the 1960s the Voivodship (regional government) of Cracow contained 17 districts. The article examines three of these: Bochnia, Brzesko and Chrzanow. The text analyzes each one’s land area, population and economic character. The author describes the number of members and candidates of the PUWP, their social structure, education and age. In the districts of Bochnia and Brzesko, the party had a relatively weak influence. There was a strong attachment to tradition, patriotism and the faith of their ancestors. In contrast, Chrzanow contained strong leftist influences before 1939. A large part of the inhabitants were workers in many plants (coal mines, steel mills, power stations). From this area came a number of well-known party activists. Famous political figures from Chrzanow included Franciszek Szlachcic, a member of the Politburo and secretary of the Central Committee of the PUWP, and Stanisław Spyt, president Commission of Party Control and member of the Executive Voivodship Committee in Crakow. Research on the regional structures of the communist party in Poland is an important academic question.
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The paper discusses the role of parliament in the legislative process, as empirically determined in a research project in the years 2011-14. The results show that in fact the legislative process is fully controlled by the government. The results are similar for both chambers and their committees. The results demonstrate: (1) high legislative effectiveness of bills initiated by the government, (2) high intra-party voting cohesion (Rice index), especially for the main ruling party, (3) requiring government approval for any amendment, (4) “by-passing” procedural requirements for the bills initiated by the government and presenting them instead as bills initiated by MPs, (5) merging the role of MP and the role of a member of the governing party, (6) ritual character of parliamentary debate. This evidence challenges the constitutional rule of separation of powers and proves that despite formal regulations and theoretical proposals, the government actually executes quite strong informal control over legislation via party mechanisms.
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Mihai Stelian Rusu’s book, Romanian National Memory. The Discursive Making and Remakings of the National Past, published at the European Institute in 2015, which forms the subject-matter of this review, constitutes a substantial contribution to the scholarship focused on the Romanian politics of the past. Grounded in solid scholarship, the book examines the avatars of the Romanian collective memory in conjunction with Romanian identity, discovered and rescaled in relation to the requirements of the eras it went through. The book’s centerpiece – its pièce de résistance – consists in an analysis of history textbooks under many aspects, from the moment of their appearance to present day, accompanied by a sensible presentation of political and cultural contexts that have made them possible. For these reasons, the work is a solid reflection on the concept of nation and the phenomena that permanently accompany it.
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