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„AGAINST ALL THE OTHERS!”. A STUDY OF MARGINAL CONSTESTATION IN ROMANIA BASED ON DISCOURSE THEORY

Author(s): Sergiu Mișcoiu / Language(s): English Issue: 4/2009

Because of the burden of totalitarian communism, the Romanian extremist movements have rarely contested the democratic system as a whole and have adopted some strategies of acommodation. In this way, they left a virgin space of variable dimensions for the anti-system movements that emerged at the margins of mainstream society. In this study, I will use the theoretical framework of discourse theory and the empirical framework of a comparative international research poject to show that, albeit being marginal by its nature, radical contestation in Romania may have unexpected consequences over the stability and legitimacy of the political and instittional system.

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„Aksjologiczne zamieszanie?”

Author(s): Andrzej M. Kaniowski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 27/2015

The text is a reflection on the lustration law of 2007, which imposed an obligation of submitting lustration statements on people whose professions involved significant public responsibility. Academic professors, along with journalists, or lawyers were subject to this obligation. The article, which was in the most part written in the course of these events in 2007, is a document of moral dilemmas brought by the lustration law. By posing the general question “What should I do” in the face of such state-imposed obligation, it considers a series of opposite arguments concerning the validity of this law and the reasons to submit to it, or to reject it in an act of civil disobedience.

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„Alternative für Deutschland” – niemiecka eurosceptyczna partia pozaparlamentarna. Próba analizy wizerunku w przestrzeni internetu

Author(s): Agnieszka Walecka-Rynduch / Language(s): Issue: 1/2015

The Alternative for Germany is a new party on the German political scene. Despite a short political and media history (established in February 2013), the party managed to strongly mark the socio-political space with its presence, mostly because of its anti-establishmentarianism. AfD is also sometimes called a „professors’ party”, as its members and followers stem to a large extent from so-called intellectual circles of science, politics and economics, and are reputable experts for many fields. AfD provoked a major imbroglio during the last parliamentary election in Germany (2013). It gathered 4.7% of votes, standing very close to the electoral threshold. It is however commonly disregarded by activists of most of the other parties in Germany. The aim of the article is answering the question: given the above, what was the crucial factor for building up such relatively high electoral result (inches from bestowing mandates) in this very short time? Is it the social, programmatical, or rather media potential, created mostly on the web? Which of these elements brought the AfD 7% of votes in the election for European Parliament 2014?

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„Ambiwalencja świętości” jako przejaw czynnika religijnego w stosunkach międzynarodowych

Author(s): Joanna Kulska / Language(s): Polish Issue: 2/2013

Diversity of interactions between religion and different aspects of international relations has been gaining importance as a part of the discussion on „resurgence of religion” in the international scene since the last decade of the 20th century. Ambiguous infl uence of the religious factor in the area of international relations has become the topic of numerous analyses, in which both positive or negative potential of religion is presented, though rarely both dimensions are seen as two sides of one phenomenon. In most cases the authors stress the dysfunctional role of religion in contemporary international relations referring to such issues as confl icts, fundamentalisms, terrorism. Signifi cantly fewer analyses are focused on the functional role of the religious factor in the confl ict resolution and building peace. The purpose of the paper is to point out the multidimensional infl uences of religion in contemporary international relations based on the concept of the „ambivalence of the sacred” proposed by Scott Appleby, which seems one of the most interesting explanations of the „Janus face of religion”. In the paper different models of relations between religion and politics are presented, as well as such crucial phenomena referring to religion as ethno-religious confl icts, religious fundamentalism, religious terrorism, but also religious contributions to peacemaking and peacebuilding.

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„American greedy Shylock” – geneza i ewolucja niemieckiego antyamerykanizmu

Author(s): Przemysław Łukasik / Language(s): Polish Issue: 14/2010

Anti -Americanism is a constant critical attitude to social, economic and political institutions, tradition and values of the United States. Anti -Americanism is the ability to interpret America’s actions through earlier established images and negative stereotypes. Essence of the German Anti -Americanism is based on the distinction between: Kulturnation ‘cultural nation’ – Germany and Staatnation ‘state nation’ – America. Kulturnation is nation as a community of people who are bound together by common language, culture, tradition and religion. It is not dependent on existing or lacking state borders. Staatnation is a conception in which all people living in a country, no matter of ethnical heredity or mother language, as a result of independent and free will they create one nation. In the nineteenth century Germany anti -democratic Anti -Americanism was typical reaction for an American attempt to create a community of free and equal citizens based on abstractive ideals of the Enlightenment. ‘Hypocrisy of Wilson’s idealism’ after I World War formed among Germans image of Americans, as people who speak like preacher and act like businessmen.

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„Aportul” Curții Constituţionale la operația de(conspirării)

Author(s): Gabriel Andreescu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 4/2012

După trecerea în revistă a deciziilor Curții Constituționale privind legislația accesului la propriul dosar și a deconspirării Securității ca poliție politică, studiul notează caracterul politic al unor argumente ce transcend, prin urmare, competențele CCR. Sunt de asemenea identificate în limbajul deciziilor CCR elemente care încearcă să dilueze natura și activitatea Securității ca organ de opresiune. După decizia sa din anul 2008 prin care a declarat neconstituțională Legea 187/1999, Curtea Constituțională a devenit principala instituție la care foștii agenți de securitate ori informatori contestă legitimitatea deconspirării lor. Unele din argumentele Curții Constituționale au venit în întâmpinarea unor astfel de pretenții, făcând mai dificil procesul deconspirării. Astfel, Curtea Constituțională a făcut abstracție nu doar de experiența celorlalte țări comuniste, desigur relevantă, ci și de jurisprudența Curții Europene a Drepturilor Omului în materie, la care este obligată să se raporteze.

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„Arabska Wiosna” – doświadczenia arabskich monarchii subregionu Zatoki Perskiej

Author(s): Radosław Bania / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2014

Practically nowhere in the Arab world were the events of the Arab Spring avoided. Civil unrest and anti-government protests occurred in the rich oil monarchies of the Persian Gulf as well. When compared to the Maghreb and Mashrik, however, these anti-government protests were limited and in some cases merely incidental. Bahrain was the only country to witness violent anti-government protests of mass character, and that threatened the rule of the Al-Khalifa dynasty. Consequently, the authorities of the Kingdom of Bahrain decided to ask the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council for military aid in order to stabilize the internal situation, and eventually obtained it from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Unlike the remaining territory of the Middle East, the Gulf countries survived the most critical period of the Arab Spring, maintaining the key elements of their political systems unaltered. The objective of this paper is to present the progress of political events in the Gulf countries in 2011 and to indicate which determinants were decisive for the survival of the political systems in these states during a time of political crisis.

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„Atkurti nepriklausomą valstybę“ – Lietuvos tarybos reikšmė šimtmečio šviesoje

Author(s): Joachim Tauber / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 69/2018

The article focuses on the question, which conception about the future Lithuanian state the members of the Taryba had and how these perceptions should be seen a century later. The beliefs of the Taryba will be shown in three central issues: the inner order of the future state, the relations with the neigbouring countries, the minority policy.

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„ATSAKOMYBĖS GINTI“ PRINCIPO KONSTRAVIMAS TARPTAUTINIU IR NACIONALINIU LYGIU: JT IR JAV ATVEJAI

Author(s): Brigita Lokė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 1 (81)/2016

Responsibility to protect is a very controversial principle in the international arena. One group of researchers name it the new approach and impulse for human security and human rights improvements with deeper involvement and response from the international community. On the contrary, other group of researchers state that this concept doesn’t bring any new insights for situation improvement and can even be harmful, because it may, in some way, give a better opportunity for justification of the country’s unilateral intervention. While discussion is still ongoing, the rising and concerning issue is how this concept (let it be remembered that this is the product of a special committee outside the United Nations (UN)) is evolving and fixating itself on the international and national level – as prioritizing one country humanitarian actions or the joint response from international community. To analyse this issue, the UN is taken as the most important international actor regarding the question of international peace and security. USA is taken to analyse it from the national level. The research is based on primary source analysis. Results of the UN documents and primary source analysis indicate that the concept of responsibility to protect this organisation is evolving gradually. First, it was started with the basic and uncontroversial assumptions from the concept, then the idea of the possible fruitful cooperation with other regional and transnational organisations was introduced. Furthermore, the required steps before and after the crisis are named, strictly defined cases when responsibility to protect principle can be applied. In the UN, the principle is developing in more narrow in comparison with the primal guidelines from the special committee. Organisation clearly defines that the principle of responsibility to protect can be used just by the international community with the mandate of UN Security Council. No other options for other organisations or state are declared, even in the cases when the UN Security council is not able to take appropriate actions. With some exceptions, the analysis supports the researchers’ claim that international actions are prioritised and not very specific issues are added by this principle. Regarding the position of the USA, the result estimates a very incoherent position. In various sources, the position changes from very unfavourable to favourable. One of the most opposing statements from the responsibility to protect statement for US is the obligation to act in the situations where human rights condition is in a very poor situation. This is seen as framing countries actions; for this reason, there is an intention to change it to readiness to act. Considering the time frame of written sources, it can be seen that the position is changing to more favourable towards the responsibility to protect the concept itself, but to clearly define that position – one country’s humanitarian intervention or international response – is very difficult because the stated position is very ambiguous.

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„Az olaszok nevében.” Silvio Berlusconi és Giuseppe Grillo politikai karrierjének kezdete

Author(s): Sára Lafferton / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 22/2017

In this paper I study how populism gained political weight in Italy in the past decades. I argue, partly in opposition to rationalist political science, that the underlying logic of populism is intelligible, and that ultimately, this logic is the articulation of the complex phenomenon in which the realm of politics stops reflecting the social realm. I address this problem through the study of the early political careers of the four times Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and the Italian politician appearing in the second half of the 2000s Giuseppe Grillo. First, I reconstruct the political and social background in relation to what the two paths become meaningful. Then, I briefly compare and contrast the mainstream and the leftist literature on populism, according to the following points: their approaches to the concept of populism; the modus operandi of the populist leader; the exact context that animates populism; and the terms in which the relation between populism and democracy can be understood. Finally, using the theoretical tools of the leftist literature on populism, I analyse the context in which the two politicians started their career, the politics they argued in favour of and the democracy they proposed. I finish my argument by concluding that if we take the crisis articulated by the populist logic seriously, we must adjust the realm of politics according to the needs of the social realm, and not the other way around.

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„Az Unióban a fejlõdni akarás uralkodik”

Author(s): Author Not Specified / Language(s): Hungarian Issue: 20/2002

nterview with Valery Giscard D’Estaing – pesident of the Convention for European reform (From Le Monde 11 January 2001). The article offers details about the ample process of constitutional reform that takes place within the European Union. From the declaration of the president of the Convent founded on 15th of december 2001 at the Laeken Summit is to be understood that the “European constitution” mentioned in the “Memorandum” from Cluj (08 December 2001) is still not yet finished. This document will have a certain influence on the constitutions of the European countries and the philosophies that determine them.

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„Baltijos regiono“ terminas ir jo transformacija

Author(s): Mantas Simanavičius / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 07/2010

Baltijos regioną kaip geopolitinį terminą šiandien apibūdinti itin sudėtinga, nes jis yra skirtingai suprantamas atskirų sričių specialistų. Kiekvienas terminą pateikia vis kitokia savo interpretacijos forma. Norint pažinti šios sąvokos įvairialypiškumo sampratą, reiktų retrospektyviai pažvelgti į termino atsiradimo ir jo transformacijos kitimą per laiką, akcentuojant jo vartojimo ir tapataus supratimo periodiškumą. Einant šiuo keliu itin svarbi pasidaro aiškinamoji atskirų Baltijos regiono dedamųjų: Baltijos ir regiono žodžių reikšmė. Giliau pažvelgus į sąvokos dalis, aiškiai matyti, kad labiausiai akcentuotina ašinės termino dalies – žodžio Baltija etimologija ir jo svarba pačiai sąvokai. Istorinių bei politinių įvykių kontekste Baltijos regiono apibrėžtis kito, ir būtent tokia situacija leido susidaryti nevienareikšmiam termino suvokimui, kartais nė neatspindinčiam skirtinguose laiko tarpsniuose vis kitaip suvokiamą jo aiškinimą, bet prisirišant prie ankstesnės sampratos, paliekant neaiškumą jo savalaikiam vartojime. Straipsnyje bandoma struktūruotai atskirti ir paaiškinti termino geopolitinę sampratą, jo vartojimą bei kitimą politinių įvykių kontekste, kartu brėžiant jo vartojimo ateities gaires, nepamirštant paaiškinti atskirų jų dedamųjų atsiradimo priežasčių. The usage of the concept of “Baltic region” and the topic of geographical coverage is still relevant to nowadays people. To know, what it actually means, you need to make a research on this concept and geographical coverage, on the reasons of their existence during the period of different political processes from its beginning till nowadays approach. Czar of Russia Nicolas I was influenced by Germans who lived in the territory of Russian Empire and approved self-government of Estonia and Livonia in German living lands. It was approved in 1845 and was called “Pre- Baltic”, from the year 1860 people started calling it by the name of “Baltic”.

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„Bărbaţii lipsă”: posibile cauze culturale ale mortalităţii ridicate a băieţilor şi bărbaţilor

Author(s): Cristina Andreescu / Language(s): Issue: 2/2015

Much has been made of the higher mortality rate of girls (relative to boys) in some Asian countries (China and India in particular); this has resulted in millions of “missing women”, to use a term coined by Amartya Sen, and is certainly a cause for serious concern. But few people seem to be concerned with the even higher mortality rate of boys (relative to girls) in developed countries. Moreover, the imbalance between the mortality of males and females becomes even stronger as they age. It is likely that the lack of interest in the high mortality of males stems from an implicit assumption that its causes must be biological. In this article I will try to show that culture is likely to also contribute to the differences between genders. I look at the sex differentials in mortality rates of children under 5 years old, adults between 18 and 60 years old, and the elderly (over 65 years old) to see what the patterns in mortality rates can say about the influence of gender. For each age group I review results in the scientific literature that lend support to one particular cultural cause contributing to sex differentials in mortality. Hence I look at the differences in parenting, and in particular breastfeeding, of children under 5 and the association between mortality and parenting style (and breastfeeding); at sex differences in the interaction of adults with the health system and their association with morbidity and mortality; at the sex differences in the social networks of the elderly and the association between social network quality and life expectancy. Finally, I make some small suggestions of how public policy should take into account these gender differences. I think that these results prove that men, in spite of their position of dominance in society, constitute a vulnerable group from the point of view of health policy. Therefore, these finding should inform public policy and lead to policies more adapted to the different needs of men versus women.

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„Bătrânul” şi... „curbele” Madonnei: dilemele strategice ale NATO la 60 de ani

Author(s): Costinel Anuţa / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 134/2009

This paper has as main objective to emphasize the strategic dilemmas that the new NATO strategic concept has to deal with. The organization has to overcome its Cold War „militarist” image through a coherent and continuous public diplomacy campaign. However, strategic communication is not enough and the image has to be supported by successful results. As a consequence, only an organization with broad political objectives supported by a flexible and comprehensive „toolbox” of means and, in the same time able to share its strategic vision, to facilitate networking at global level and to project forces and capabilities wherever needed, will adapt and survive.

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„Benešova vina“ K Peroutkově meditaci nad osudem prezidenta

Author(s): Petr Fleischmann / Language(s): Czech Issue: 3/2011

Naši spoluobčané se dělí na ty, kdo Benešovi takříkajíc nemohou přijít na jméno, a dělají z něj div, že ne hlavního viníka všech národních tragedií za posledních 60, neřku-li 80 let (od Mnichova přes Únor, včetně těch, kdo považují samotný vznik republiky v 18. roce za druh „tragédie“) a ty, kdo jsou k tomuto muži poněkud shovívavější. K zaujmutí tohoto druhého přístupu někdy i stačí Benešův drásající popis předmnichovských traktací a povzdechnutí: „to, co jsem si prožil, přesahuje vše, co může lidská bytost vůbec snést“.

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„Biała Ruś”– przyszła partia władzy?

Author(s): Arkadiusz Czwołek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2013

The article analyses the development stages of the regional social organisation, Belaya Rus, created in 2004 in Grodno. During the past couple of years, attempts to convert it into the party of power – similar to the United Russia – have been noted. Currently the Belaya Rus numbers around 130 thousand members and has complex structures all around the country. Since 2004 the Belaya Rus has been gaining more and more influence in both parliament and local government. Its transformation into a political party is only a matter of time

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„BIEDA (Z TĄ POLSKĄ)”. PROSTACY I MIESZCZANIE: MODERNIZACYJNA NATURALIZACJA I NORMALIZACJA PERYFERYJNYCH NIERÓWNOŚCI1

Author(s): Adam Kubiak / Language(s): Polish Issue: 03/2017

The paper presents the question of the urban narration in contemporary Poland in-terpreted as an anachronistic form of the naturalization and normalization of social and symbolic inequalities created after the transformations of 1989. That subject being one of the very import elements of the self-image of local, subordinated elites, while strongly present in journalism, remains also very problematic. Uncertainty over the role and shape of this class in Poland in a historical context was (and still is) fiercely contested. Where important elements of such controversies are its forms, from „lord-ship”, derived from gentry imaginations, through the politics and heritage of emanci-pation in the Polish Peoples’ Republic, and modern serious existential uncertainty associated with the decomposition of the traditional formulas „bourgeois” and „third state”. This paper offers a proposition for the reinterpretation of the contemporary „bourgeois tale” in the context of the „post-communist narration”, which, often seen as seemingly antagonistic, are, as the paper's argument stands, closely connected ele-ments of a modernization strategy reconstructing anachronistic peripheral inequality in new, globalized conditions.

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„Brexit” – konsekwencje dla obywateli Wielkiej Brytanii jako eksobywateli Unii Europejskiej

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„Brexit” – konsekwencje dla obywateli Wielkiej Brytanii jako eksobywateli Unii Europejskiej

Author(s): Stefan Marek Grochalski / Language(s): Polish Issue: 4 (1)/2016

The results of the referendum regarding the UK leaving the European Union indicated that the majority of British citizens, who are also citizens of the EU, decided to leave the European Union. The citizens’ decision has serious legal consequences arising from Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. This is the first case of a state leaving the European Union, which raises many questions. In the presented material, the institution of referendum is being analyzed as a form of direct democracy as well as, in this context, the effects of Brexit affecting directly the citizens of Great Britain – ex-citizens of the European Union.

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„Był sobie gender …” Kategoria gender w dyskursie „Gościa Niedzielnego ” – analiza pola semantycznego i analiza aktantowa

Author(s): Maciej Bachryj-Krzywaźnia / Language(s): Polish Issue: 43/2016

The year 2013 was a time of impressive media carrier of the term gender. From scientific niche the notion invaded fiercely the language of polish journalism and political debate. The Intensity of ideological debate, triggered by the word gender, is reflected by the semantic struggle. On the one side there is meaning worked out through years by the theoreticians, on the other, standpoint of those sceptical about gender, who refer to it as an ideology, which goals and content is fundamentally different from those declared by the theoreticians. The goal of this very paper is to reconstruct the content and the meaning of the term gender, as it appears in the discourse critical toward it. The task is carried out on the example of articles published in catholic weekly magazine Gosc Niedzielny. Two methods was applied to achieve above goal – semantic field analysis and actantial analysis, based on A.J. Greimas’ narrative grammar.

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„Była autorytetem moralnym...” Reakcja prasy polskiej na śmierć Marion hrabiny Dönhoff

Author(s): Ernest Kuczyński / Language(s): Polish Issue: 02/2006

Marion countess Dönhoff (1909-2002), for many years the editor-in-chief and co-publisher of the Hamburg weekly ‘‘Die Zeit’’, was not only an outstanding political journalist but also a moral authority in post-war Germany. In her many books and press publications she appealed for a responsible attitude to the nations of the world, the maintaining of ethical values, and social justice. She also proposed directions in foreign policy, including reconciliation with the East. In Poland she won renown above all as an indefatigable supporter of the Polish-German agreement, impressing the public opinion with her moral courage and involvement in recognizing the border on the Odra and Nysa. Her death on March 11, 2002 received wide coverage in the Polish press, which univocally emphasized her invincible character, will power, broadly conceived objectivism, tolerance, determination to seek the truth and responsibility, and belief in the necessity to build bridges across state borders. The article discusses the reaction of the Polish press to the death of countess Dönhoff, including the attitudes, accounts and opinions of public personages as well as newspapers, institutions and private persons who knew and respected the German journalist.

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