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Teza. Współcześnie dostęp do edukacji muzułmańskich kobiet jest utrudniony, na co wpływ mają różnorodne czynniki, w tym m.in. religia, bieda, system patriarchalny oraz system polityczno-społeczny danego państwa.Omówione koncepcje. Artykuł jest próbą przedstawienia aktualnych danych dotyczących dostępu do edukacji muzułmańskich kobiet oraz zwrócenia uwagi na czynniki, które mogą go ograniczać. Dla uprawdopodobnienia wniosków autorka przytacza liczne przykłady ze świata muzułmańskiego. Zastosowane w artykule metody badawcze to metoda historyczna oraz formalno-dogmatyczna obejmująca analizę tekstów prawnych oraz raportów organizacji międzynarodowych.Wyniki i wnioski. Autorka dokonała przeglądu oraz analizy raportów organizacji międzynarodowych dotyczących problematyki dostępu do edukacji kobiet, w celu uzasadnienia konieczności badań nad tym zagadnieniem. Autorka doszła przy tym do wniosku, że głównymi problemami warunkującymi gorszy dostęp muzułmanek do edukacji wcale nie muszą być bieda i związany z tym analfabetyzm, a system patriarchalny świata muzułmańskiego i sama religia. Artykuł nie ma jednak na celu krytyki islamu ani systemu patriarchalnego świata muzułmańskiego, gdyż nie da się tych dwóch aspektów od siebie oddzielić. Autorka zwróciła też uwagę, na zbyt małe przykładanie uwagi do roli edukacji ponadgimnazjalnej oraz programów nauczania w świecie muzułmańskim.
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Celem badań było dokonanie analizy arktycznego sporu terytorialnego pomiędzy Danią a Kanadą toczonego o wsypę Hans. Badanie polegało na kompletnym ujęciu przyczyn sporu, jego przebiegu, a także implikacji na przyszłość.Metoda badańSpór terytorialny o wyspę Hans został zbadany w opraciu o analizę historyczną oraz analizę źródeł pierwotnych i wtórnych. WynikiBadanie wykazało, iż arktyczny spór terytorialny o wyspę Hans ma historycznie długi przebieg i jak dotąd nie udało się znaleźć jego rozwiązania. Istnieje kilka propozycji rozwiązania sporu, jednak żadna z nich obecnie nie jest brana pod uwagę. Bardzo możliwe, że w przyszłości w rozwiązanie sporu włączy się Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych oraz społeczność międzynarodowa. Na przebieg sporu mogą mieć wpływ zmiany klimatyczne postępujace w Arktyce. WnioskiSpór terytorialny o wyspę Hansa różni się od innych sporów. Przebiega za pomocą dyplomatycznych przepychanek niejednokrotnie z elementami humorystycznymi przez co był określony mianem ''wojny whiskey''.
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Teza. Polityka historyczna na Węgrzech jest oparta na pamięci o największej tragedii narodowej, jaką był traktat z Trianon, a także na upamiętnieniu bohaterskiej rewolucji z 1956 roku. Polityka w tym zakresie obejmuje także pamięć historyczną związaną z zagadnieniem holokaustu.Omówione koncepcje. Podstawą interpretacji są sposoby upamiętania wydarzeń historycznych przez dzisiejszą klasę polityczną. Do obszarów badawczych zalicza się zapisy konstytucyjne odnoszące się do historii, organizacje obchodów narodowych, a także powoływanie do życia instytucji państwowych i muzeów odpowiedzialnych za kreowanie świadomości historycznej.Wnioski. Polityka pamięci na Węgrzech jest obecnie tematem bardzo popularnym, mającym wpływ na kształt węgierskiej sceny politycznej. Tekst porusza temat niedostatecznie zbadany. Na polskim gruncie brakuje literatury wyczerpującej owe zagadnienie.
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Conspiracy theories are all about power – who has it and what they are do- ing with it, particularly when no one is looking. The losing side will inevitably accuse the winners of conspiring. Democrats would be convinced that Trump is involved in a grand conspiracy, no matter what evidence was available.
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The post-communist transitional period in Bulgaria became fertile soil forproliferation of conspiracy theories. The most popular among them claimed that the communist State Security masterminded the whole transitional process.The article is trying to analyze the relevance of that theory based on the history of the communist State Security. It also seeks to explore whether it influenced public and political decisions and whether the State Security officers themselves were interested in the spread of that theory.
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This paper represents an analysis of the texts of five inaugural addresses of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev from 1991 through 2015 and an attempt to elicit whether the functions peculiar to the American inaugural address, developed over the long history of inaugural tradition, are relevant to the study of the presidential inaugural addresses of Kazakhstan.
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This paper is devoted to a critical analysis and study of contemporary concepts, and the research is based on ethno-cultural and meta-theoretical ideas during the period of Kazakh khanate. The author pays a special attention to determination of scientific and theoretical roots and beginning of relations of the Kazakh khanate and Kazakh steppe civilization with the outer world and neighboring civilizations. First and foremost it has been paid attention to the theoretical, conceptual and universal meaning and significance of the notion of “international relations”. In addition to that by analyzing the inner logics of the terms such as “national interests”, “national security” it has been made an attempt to determine their role during the period of Kazakh khanate in XVII-XVIII centuries and their meta-theoretical meanings have been studied.
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As of today, the Circassian (Adyge) diaspora counts according to the minimum data for around 3 million people. The areas of its compact settlement are Turkey, Syria, and Jordan. This situation has developed in the course of the mass migration of the Adyge to the Ottoman Empire in the XIX century during the Caucasian war. The manuscript presents a comparative analysis of the most known methods for studying "classic" Diasporas (their invariant component). Also, there was an attempt to adapt them in relation to the Circassian (Adyge) diaspora (variative component of the method), i.e. rather adequate approaches to studying the Circassian (Adyge) diaspora have been worked out. The author represents the main results of multi-year research on the history of formation and development of the Circassian (Adyge) diaspora in the countries of the Middle East in short.
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The purpose of the study is to consider the role of social memory in the reconstruction of the historical past. The article uses the method of comparison and concretization. The article considers different approaches to understanding the term “historical memory” and the meaning of historical memory in the modern Russian society. A review of the main factors influencing the process of forming historical memory is presented. Among them it is necessary to single out school and university history education, government policy. Alongside this the author defines the notions “social memory” and “the culture of memory” thus, aiming primarily at analyzing and generalizing facts of violent destruction of the people’s memory as one of the basics of the Russian state. The article is structures basing on the principle of comparing post-revolutionary and modern Russia which makes the study quite consistent, and complete with generalized conclusions drawn by the author. In the end the main ways to solve the current situation are suggested. The results of the research can be used to prepare students for the discipline "Philosophy" and in the development of elective courses.
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The article shows the work of the chekists of Stavropolsky krai during the Great Patriotic War and in the post-war decades. The purpose of this article is to study the forms and methods of practical activities of the state security bodies in their fight against banditry, the German invaders and their accomplices-collaborators from among Soviet citizens during the war. New archival documents reveal the contribution of the regional chekists to the formation of the destruction battalions and partisan units, the creation of an intelligence network operating behind the enemy lines, the exposure and neutralization of foreign agents. Specific examples show the work of the state security officials searching for former collaborators in the post-war decades. The result of their efforts was the exposure of former accomplices of the German invaders, the conduct of a thorough investigation of their crimes against Soviet citizens during the war years and severe, fair verdicts issued by military tribunals and courts. In conclusion it is noted that the work of chekists in Stavropolsky krai connected with the exposure of war criminals continues up to the present. After all, there is no statute of limitations for such crimes against humanity.
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The present study is focused on the image of “the other” in the institutional discourse of Israeli and Palestinian actors, employing Discourse analysis and Functional Grammar in order to segment the discourses and analyze them from the perspective of ingroup and outgroup construals. In doing so, the study explores the dynamics between two securitization processes, taking in account the theoretical shortcomings of the Securitization Theory regarding the nature of the act of security, as well as the relation between the securitizing actor and the target audience.
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The new science of complex networks provides computational tools that are effective at analyzing big data sets from a wide array of scientific fields, ranging from medicine to engineering, technology, and social networks. Here, we explore the party co-affiliation networks of Romanian politicians who were in Parliament after the regime change in 1989, while focusing on individual party switchers. As such, we propose a set of three novel measures to understand the context of party switching, at both micro level (individual MPs’ career choices), as well as macro level (the party performance of the receiving political organizations). We thus build a network in which nodes represent individual politicians, while links represent shared membership within the same political party over the same electoral cycle. We combine these insights with a centrality analysis of influential switchers during the period of 1990 to 2018. By applying the PageRank centrality in our network of Romanian politicians, we make explicit the link between heterogeneity of strategic party switching choices at the individual MP level and homogeneity and political fragmentation at the party level, as party switchers fill in structural holes in a multi-party system. Although the act of party switching is controversial at individual MP (micro) level, the dynamic movement of individual MPs across the political spectrum of parties appears to have unexpected consequences at the party system (macro) level. Our analysis has implications for party politics and the study of party systems, as well as for MPs’ career development opportunities.
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This paper discusses the main tenets of how Bulgaria was represented in what can be coined as ‘Russian propaganda’ and how the dynamics of this process functioned in the period from 2013 to 2016. First, it will provide a discussion outlining the general framework and illustrate some discourses that appeared in Russian media outlets concerning Bulgaria. Secondly, it will focus on how Russian propaganda operated in relation to Bulgaria’s presidential elections in the autumn of 2016. The latter case study is important as an empirical study since the ultimate winner of the election, Rumen Radev, was largely portrayed in both international and domestic media as being a ‘pro-Russian’ candidate. Such media portrayals of the Bulgarian presidential elections can be seen as consistent with similar depictions of other electoral contests in Europe and the United States over the past years in which Russian propaganda, social media trolls and bots, fake news have supposedly come to play a role in promoting politicians or political parties that are perceived to be ‘pro-Russian’. This paper will qualify such simplistic dichotomies and attempt to bring some nuance to the question of what constitutes ‘Russian propaganda’. In contrast to widespread assumptions following the logic of the so called ‘information’ or ‘hybrid’ war, it argues that what is generally regarded as ‘Russian propaganda’ in Bulgaria tends to be a ‘home-grown’ phenomenon rather than a foreign directed or steered influence.
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On the basis of empirical data from the collective study on Anti- Democratic Propaganda in Bulgaria. News Websites and Print Media: 2013 – 2016 and reframing a cluster of already existing post-Wittgensteinian theoretical approaches, this text aims to outline the logics of propaganda on two levels, describing, in Part One, some more general typological features of the propaganda uses of language (i.e. propaganda’s ‘general’ practical logics) and, in Part Two, the particular conspiratorial grammar and typical vocabulary of the recent populist, anti-liberal and national-sovereignist propaganda (from Putin through Orbán to Trump), i.e. its specific practical logics. Here, in Part One, based on a comparison with the scientific and every- day-life modes of speech, some more general features of the propaganda uses of language (common both to commercial advertising and to political propaganda) are outlined: - We can speak of propaganda if there is strategic dissemination and repetition of stereotypified messages (cliches); the strategic goal of such repetitive dissemination is to transform those clichés into meta-clichés: into a depth grammar that frames articulations for a multitude of individuals. In this aspect propaganda resembles education but it also differs from scientifically informed education by other features: - Propaganda works in a regime of totalization of discourse, where the specific modalities of the separate messages lose their significance: the peculiar task of propaganda is to create an overgeneralized discursive horizon that enables the fusion of modalities and hence a free play of associations between messages. Being overgeneralized, propaganda discourses resemble scientific discourses and differ from everyday-life discourses; being freed from any strict sense (from any strict modalization), propaganda differs from science and resembles ordinary bullshitting (in Harry Frankfurt’s sense). Propaganda usually does not lie about the facts but it lies through modal extensions (or modal reductions) of the meanings of selected facts. - Propaganda works in a regime of metonymy: it layers utterances upon one another in such a way that the modal differences between them disappear and, instead, a metonymical chain appears: ultimately, it looks as if every utterance substitutes the other, as if their meanings are the same. This metonymical propaganda operation is conditioned by the overgeneralized and fused discursive horizon but it also produces this very horizon: there is a circular productive relationship between them. Through metonymy, propaganda simulates coherence but such coherence is false because every modal concordance between the terms and the utterances is disrupted in advance.Beyond the ‘general’ logics of propaganda, another distinction has been made: between populist uses of language and propaganda uses that are parasitic in relation to populism and operate with the opposition between ‘we, the people’ and ‘they, the elites’. We agree with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe that in the spontaneous populist movements ‘the people’ comes into being as an empty signifier springing from metaphors and catachreses. The practical unfolding of the relevant discourse, however – with everyday-life metonymies from below or with strategic propaganda metonymies from above – inevitably fills the empty signifiers of populism with one or other specific meaning and transforms them into half-empty signifiers. In a specific populist-propaganda operation, such half-empty signifiers (as ‘the people’ and ‘its enemies’) are totalized and used as propaganda epithets: as devices for discursive terror.
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This paper is devoted to a particularly important scientific problem: it isa sociological attempt to conceptualize the social continuity and social incommensurability between propaganda as a classic instrument of power used by totalitarian regimes and propaganda as an immanent functional moment of the postcommunist public sphere. Hence its central task is to trace those focal points of significant difference/repetition at which their discursive (non) coincidences converge and diverge, and which constitute the unified, complete and indivisible ideological agenda of anti-democratic propaganda. Although the latter does not have an organizing potential, innovative methods of government and an alternative political model, it intensely accumulates power by discrediting civil society and creating a cynical social macro-environment – a key prerequisite for ‘modulating’ public opinion with the aim of reconsidering Bulgaria’s membership in the EU and NATO.
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