Around the Bloc: Azeri Police Hunt Suspected Shiite Radicals
Police reportedly seize grenades, ammunition, and suspicious pamphlets in Baku and Ganja.
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Police reportedly seize grenades, ammunition, and suspicious pamphlets in Baku and Ganja.
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Uzbekistan is one of the few Muslim countries where female Islamic teachers, known as otins, play an important religious role.
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The president, himself a son of war refugees, accuses Europe of losing its global standing and passionately defends Angela Merkel’s leadership.
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Amnesty hails government move as a victory for human rights, urges other countries to follow suit.
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Central Europeans will not be treated ‘like second-class citizens’ of the bloc, Czech official says.
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Legal challenge coincides with ‘vitriolic’ government-sponsored anti-migrant ad campaign.
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Premier of Russian-controlled territory rules out future energy cooperation with Kyiv.
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The first reported court trials for war crimes concerned offenses committed during theAmerican Civil War (1861–1865). After World War I, the victorious nations of the Ententeattempted to put the former German Emperor Wilhelm II and other German military leadersresponsible for particularly drastic crimes. The former ruler took refuge in the Netherlands,which refused to extradite him, and the Reich Tribunal in Leipzig held a numberof trials under heavy pressure from the victorious coalition. The majority of them led toacquittals or exceptionally short sentences, which resulted in the Leipzig process being labelleda travesty of justice; during World War II the allies regarded it as a negative experiencewhich they should avoid repeating at all costs. During the period 1919–1920 severaldozen trials concerning the slaughter of Armenians were held in Turkey by Turkish andBritish authorities, but they were equally inadequate for the scale of the crimes committedinvolving the murder of almost a million people. The anti-Hitler coalition thus couldnot draw on any real examples from the past when seeking to account for the crimes of theThird Reich and its allies, nor were there any international legal regulations or institutionalsolutions that they could look to. The first action taken to document the crimes committedin occupied countries were undertaken by governments-in-exile in London, primarilythat of the Republic of Poland. It was pressure from that as well as other governments aswell as others which led to the formation of the War Crimes Commission in October 1943,which developed a new legal concept and category: crimes against humanity. It turnedout to be key in enforcing liability for crimes against civilians; it was invoked during theNuremberg trials, and is also applied in many contemporary criminal proceedings. Thefirst joint Allied commitment to prosecuting war crimes was the Moscow Declaration of1 November 1943, but even after its adoption there were serious disagreements among theallies as to how this should be done. Winston Churchill, the Prime Minister of the UnitedKingdom, was opposed to the creation of an international tribunal, citing the differentlegal systems of the Allies and the fiasco of the Leipzig trials following World War I; hewas a supporter of summarily executing the leaders of the Third Reich and fascist Italy.The legal framework of the post-war trials was only developed during the closing monthsof the war, with American politicians and lawyers playing a key role. Their contributionwas to base the most important post-war trials on three pillars: the categories of crimesagainst humanity, crimes against peace and the charge of conspiracy to commit crimes(a direct transplant from the American legal system). The trials held before the InternationalMilitary Tribunal, held in Nuremberg from 20 November to 1 October 1946, werean attempt, unprecedented in the history of civilization, by the international communityto bring to justice the leaders of a defeated state to justice for their crimes. In spite of thenumerous criticism levelled against various aspects of the Nuremberg trials, it ultimatelybecame a point of reference and an example for later attempts at placing political andmilitary leaders on trial for their crimes.
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The First World War is rarely seen from the perspective of its potential to produce culture. Meanwhile, for the culture of countries such as Belgium (in particular the Dutch-speaking part) and Poland, then war was a kind of catalyst. The creation of the Polish-language Warsaw University – despite the propaganda dimension of the project – played an important role in bringing together future elites. The cultural politics carried out by the Germans in the eastern occupied territories were, on the one hand, a carefully considered form of self-presentation; on the other hand, they undoubtedly supported the cultural practices of ethnic and national groups, among whom with the war had significantly accelerating (or reviving) the process of identity construction. In the end, 1914–1918 was a period that saw an increase in the transfer of Polish literature to German-speaking countries.
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This article examines the uprisings since 2011 through a global lens. It focuses on a form that has become common to all: the continuous occupation of public space. Beginning in 2011, people from all walks of life came to the central squares of the world’s cities and formed various semi-permanent sites of protest. The article assesses the historical lineage and signifi cance of these public occupations and discusses their impact for our understandings of revolution, democracy, and their interrelation. What happened during these uprisings, how the people who were present took part in them, offers a radically different version of democracy, in theory and practice, from the liberal representative one that has become hegemonic today. This article will underscore how this alternate vision of a democratic society is intimately tied to a new form of contentious politics, one predicated on occupation and arrest rather than movement and dispersal. To do so, it highlights how these prisings have called into question two assumptions common to the liberal understanding of contemporary politics: the association between democracy and representative government; and the association betweensocial struggle and the category of movement. In this context, the article challenges the continued use of the term social movement to defi ne contentious political struggle in the 21st century and makes the case for a theory and practice of social arrest. It argues that a politics of social arrest has come to defi ne the global occupations of public space since 2011, a politics that has turned these spaces into immanent sites of democratic self-institution.
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This article concentrates on the phenomenon of Russophilia in Greece and situates it within the context of national populism. Numerous political analysts and journalists have not examined Russophilia in Greece as a component of a national populism which cuts across the traditional ‘left-right’ spectrum. This research is very topical at a time when Russia is emerging as a competitor to the EU and the Kremlin is searching for political allies throughout Central and Southeast Europe. This study demonstrates that the foundations of public russophilia in Greece are feebler than many external commentators tend to estimate. A rather ahistorical and almost ‘Messianic’ notion of Russophilia interweaves with national populism in the light of the dispute with the EU and Germany over the management of the economic crisis.
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The adoption of a zoning plan or any change to it may result in an increase or a decrease in the value of real estate. In the case of increased property values, the Law on Spatial Planning and Development provides for a possibility for zoning fees to be determined by municipalities. The research thesis of the article is the statement that planning fees are not fully enforced due to property owners appealing against the decisions on establishing the fees. This paper aims to analyse the scope of the adopted local zoning plans in Cracow as well as zoning fees, charged relative to the increase in real estate value.
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China emphasises the principle of maintaining a balance between population, resources and the environment, promoting economic, social, and environmental development. Therefore, it should initiate a revolution in areas related to the production and use of energy by promoting energy-efficient and low-carbon development industry as well as new and renewable sources of energy in building the country’s energy security. This study focuses on the implementation of energy-saving policies in China.
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The article presents the evolution and development of nationalist ideas in the modern world. Nationalist concepts are as traditional as the same process of creating nations. In our reality is associated with a number of issues, such as distinct language, culture, tradition, history, territorial community, economics, religion and so on. As a result, these differences affect the formation of separatism, desire to extract their own nation in the form obtain separate autonomous rights or your own countries. Nationalism carries the positive factors, unites the community, allows you to specify the boundaries of national interest, it gives a sense of separateness and togetherness, it lets survive tough times, etc. Nationalism becomes dangerous in a situation adopt its extreme forms — chauvinism, crises may in fact lead to open confrontation, be a hotbed of new wars. Today's nationalism adopts new forms of interaction. Instead of meeting places churches have become such pubs, bars or place of daily meetings of local communities, and career starts doing the term pop-nationalism.
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The author intends to present a brief outline a different approach to the questionof nationalities in the quest for independence of Scotland from the dominion of Great Britain. It also tries to distinguish between nationalism of the national movement, which is seen as a positive, but often identified with nationalism, which has a negative meaning in the common use and common use. Examine the program of the National Party of Scotland, which led to a referendum on independence, for the first time in the history of the two countries and to equate the desire for independence of Scots for over 300 years.
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Persuasion of theorists of Ukrainian political opinion of Western Ukraine, publicism and position papers of socialistic aspiration parties for the purpose the analysis of forms and institutional bases of the state are investigated. Payment of the Ukrainian thinkers-socialists in the range of problems of classification of the political regimes, determination of their signs are analysed. The scientific contribution of theorists of Ukrainian political opinion of socialistic aspiration out to research of forms state government, principle of distribution of power and system of inhibitions and counterbalances between its branches, state-political institutes of country's, parliament and government, problem of rights and freedoms of person, electoral process, local self-government leader are found out. Political priorities of scientists and ideologists of Ukrainian organized socialism are investigated, their constructions of process are exposed.
More...Dylematy i wyzwania
One of the significant elements of the foreign policy pursued after 1989 is Poland'sengagement in the activities of the international community for strengthening the security in conflict-prone states and regions. Poland has consequently utilised the participation in peacekeeping operations, carried out under the auspices of international organisations and coalitions created ad hoc, as an instrument for implementing its foreign policy.The aim of the article is the analysis of the character, scale and motives for Poland'sinvolvement in the peacekeeping operations of the European Union, from the perspective of the foreign policy after 1989. The adopted construction of the article does not allow to conduct a multi-faceted analysis, but only to concentrate on selected issues, namely the motives and dilemmas of Polish engagement in the European Union's peacekeeping operations.
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Transformation of the ownership structure of state-owned companies was one ofthe key principles of the political transformation in Poland. The way the changes wereimplemented depended on the motivation of successive Polish governments, the executive management of companies concerned, trade unions and most of all on the economic situation of respective companies.The aim of the paper was to present the policies of the Council of Ministers ofthe Republic of Poland in terms of ownership transformations of Morska StoczniaRemontowa Gryfia SA between 1989 and 2015. Based on the analysis of research data, the determinant institutional-legal factors of the process were presented.The main objectives were to seek answers to the following questions: What decisions were made by the Polish government about ownership transformations of MorskaStocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA? and What were the effects ofthe policies implemented by the management of the shipyard in terms of its ownership transformations? Accordingly, analysis was conducted on the effect of decisions made by the Minister of Privatization (and then by the Minister of Treasury) on the course of ownership transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA Furthermore, the cooperation between the management of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA, trade unions and the founding body of the shipyard was presented. An important aspect in the analysis of ownership transformations of Morska Stocznia Remontowa Gryfia SA was to identify the trends of restructurization of the shipyard in order to improve its difficult financial situation and toenable its privatization.
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The recent visit of the Kazakh president marks Belgrade’s ambitions for closer economic ties with the Eurasian Economic Union.
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