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The subject matter of the article is the phenomenon of the sudden springing up of the Radical Party after its establishing in 1881 and through the period prior to the 1883 Timok Rebellion. The author analyzes the professional composition of the members of the Party, the significance of the contributions covering memibeiilshap,- and the fact .that some members were women — something unheard of at the time. He particularly emphasizes the importance of teachers and priests as members which were main protagonists of the ideas of the Party. He also raises the issue of territorial distribution of members.
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Private military companies are becoming increasingly popular; their manpower is higher than the manpower of some national armies. Nevertheless, they still exist in the shadows and are often called “shadow armies”. Recently PMC have been participating in various military conflicts including the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine. National armies are losing manpower because soldiers prefer to join private military companies. When such companies recruit staff internationally, they directly weaken the national armies because the PMC contractors are mostly ex-militaries and ex-police staff. PMCs could promote the interests of the countries from where they originate and there can be a strong link with the state despite the private nature of PMC. In this case, mercenaries contribute to the foreign policy of their own countries and their motivation is affected accordingly. The article aims at outlining the motives of Bulgarian citizens to join international private military companies, thus shedding light on this underresearched problem. It is usually considered that PMC contractors’ motives are mostly related to profit. However, there are other strong motivations that need examination. It is argued that their motivation depends on both personal characteristics, as well as on the environmental factors (social, economic, political) in contractors’ state of origin.
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The management of each of the crises that the European Union has been facing in the last decade has shown that individual national approaches lead to a chronic inability to make collective decisions on strategic issues and that this cannot be the future of a swiftly adaptive and geo-politically oriented Europe. The Future of Europe Conference offered the opportunity for European institutions to reconsider the relationship with Europe’s citizens, giving the public a direct voice through innovative participation in the democratic process. But we cannot allow ourselves to stop there, and leave it be a mere listening exercise.The next step is using those tools and the momentum around the conversation of Europe of tomorrow that had started with the Conference of the future of Europe to adapt the Union and its institutions to the necessities of the modern-day world.As European citizens, we need a strong European Union, capable of acting swiftly in a wide range of policy areas, from health and fiscal policy, energy procurement, and climate, to foreign affairs and defence. We need a powerful Europe on the global stage, able to keep its promises to those that aspire to become part of it. A Europe that can tackle new security and defence threats, and foreign interference and that can set new global standards for a clean environment while fighting unfair industrial competition. A Union, that stands up for rule of law and a responsive approach to migration.
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