„Privately, of course, there is no reason to doubt that the Russians were responsible” – Katyń w stosunkach polsko-brytyjskich 1943–1981

Author(s): Piotr Długołęcki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2015

The Katyn Massacre has played an important role in Polish-British relations during World War II and in the postwar decades. The first part of the article elaborates on the UK’s activity during and directly after WWII, while part two provides information about the 1950s that shows the UK’s position on the so-called Madden Committee established by the U.S. Congress to clarify the circumstances of the Katyn crime. The final part is devoted to the Foreign Office’s approach to plans to erect a monument commemorating the victims in London.

„Problem teologiczno-polityczny” w konfrontacji meksykańskiego liberalizmu i katolickiego konserwatyzmu

Author(s): Jacek Bartyzel / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 05/2012

The article is an antinomy between the conflicting worldviews of the ideology of liberalism, on the one hand, which is characterized by Jacobinism and aggressive anti-religiousness, and on the other, Catholic conservatism. This armed confrontation became a fundamental part of the social and political history of independent Mexico, especially since the time of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1917). The victorious liberals, using the whole strength of the administrative, educational and military apparatus of the state, took action that was directly and openly aimed at the institutional destruction of the Catholic Church. The first part of the article presents the next phase of the liberal revolution, which began with actions that were designed to secularize the Mexican state, which culminated in the establishment of an indifferent constitution from 1857, which limited the freedom of the Church with regard to the significant constitutional laws, known as the Laws of Reform, through the proclamation of the ideological secularism of the state and teaching, as well as the formal-legal liquidation of the Church as a corporate body based on the 1917 Constitution, to the constitutionalisation (in 1934) of the so-called socialist education, which is atheistic and anti-religious at all levels in education. The second part of the article presents the views and aspirations of the Catholic counter-revolution, from the nineteenth-century royalists and the Conservative Party, through Catholic social, inspirational teaching of the Pope Leo XIII and Pius XI, the armed rising known as cristeros against the tyranny of Calles, after the national-Catholic synarchistic movement. It presents both these ideological phenomena which leads to the conclusion that the ‘theological-political problem’ in the Mexican context manifested itself as a ‘fight to the death’ of two nations: ‘the liberal-indigenous nation’ and the ‘Hispanic-Catholic nation” as well as two religions: “the political religion’, which is a mixture of liberalism, positivism, Freemasons, and artificially revived pre-Columbian myths, as well as a revelatory and dogmatic Catholic religion.

„Projekt odvajanja naroda“ i rat protiv Bosne i Hercegovine

Author(s): Kenan Dautović / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 2/2009

Even though projects seeing Bosnia and Herzegovina differently in terms of its current social and political organization have existed in the past as well, they have all lacked adequate resources and strategists able to find effective ways for achieving goals set down by those projects. These were the elements that weremissing for strategies to be fully defined as such. However, during the war against B&H (1992-95), these individual projects have been streamlined into a virtual (but very real) Project of Separating Peoples, which eventually ended up in the separation of the B&H society, as well as in the homogenization of peoples and territories, two novelties which B&H has not faced in the past. As society’s existence is conditio sine qua non of the state’s existence, consensus within society is conditio sine qua non of the social agreement without which, ultimately, neither the state nor the society can exist.

„Promieniowanie” konstytucji

Author(s): Maciej Borsiak / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 98/2016

The text deals with the phenomenon of influencing the principles expressed in the Constitution on the other branches of law, in particular to the private law. The starting point is to present the origins in jurisdiction of the Federal Constitutional Court in Karlsruhe and discussion on the evolution of the relationship between constitutional law and the principles of the German Basic Law in according to the BGB, especially in the context of protection of social rights. Then, the subject was discussed in reference to American law, in relation to the nature of the common law, and combining with the doctrine of a “living constitution”, which allows a flexible, up to date interpretation of the US Constitution. Finally, there is the analysis of the Polish law and attempt to answer the question, whether presented phenomenon also occurs on the basis of regulations of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Polish civil law, what premise may be, eg. the principle of direct application, which is the basis for not only vertical, but also horizontal impact.

„Przeszłość niedokończona”. O imitacji i zaniechaniach w reformowaniu systemu pomocy społecznej

Author(s): Krzysztof Chaczko / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 20/2018

After the transformation of the political system began, changes in social welfaresystem were introduced very quickly, as already in 1990 the Act on Social Welfarewas passed. As a result of these changes, social welfare system played a role in mitigatingthe social consequences of transformation. Nearly thirty years have passed and social welfare system still functions in the realities of socio‑economic changes. This situation was not changed by another Act on Social Welfare (2004). A fundamental reform of social welfare system is necessary, in particular a reorientation of objectives, tasks and instruments to freethis institution from a disastrous past.

„Rat na granici prava i morala”? Agresija NATO­a na SRJ u međunarodno­etičkoj perspektivi

Author(s): Mirjana Radojičić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2011

The paper focuses on the ethical aspects of NATO aggression (or so-called "humanitarian intervention"), exerted against the FRY, actually Serbia, in the period from March to June 1999. The paper has been conceived as a critical dialogue with Jürgen Habermas, or rather the positions presented by him in a text entitled "Besti- alität und Humanität: Eine Krieg an der Grenze zwischen Recht und Moral". Following a short presentation of Habermas’s point of view, in the introduction to her paper the author discusses the moral implications of, as he points out, "the surgical precision of the air-strikes, as well as the programmatic sparing of the civilian population", which are, according to him, the characteristics of this aggression with "a highly legitimating effect". She then focuses on the key and declaratively moral argument that served to justify the aggression - the protection of human rights of Kosmet Albanians and the prevention of the humanitarian catastrophe they had been allegedly exposed to. After analyzing this argument thoroughly, in several steps, the author concludes that the aggression was not, as Habermas claimed, a "war on the border between law and morality", but that it was actually beyond the borders of both law and morality and was deeply situated into a domain of interest-driven armed acts of the US foreign policy.

„RĂZBOIUL FARAONILOR” – Pe cine a supărat preşedintele sirian Bashar al-Assad?

Author(s): Nicolae Radu / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 4/2013

Middle East is in flames, the U.S. is preparing for war. After Iraq, Egypt, Yemen, and Syria wants the change. Interests may be multiple. Fight for democracy to represent only a cover for the best interests of motivation in the control of oil and gas? The truth is sought, just as the handling is becoming more evident. Certainly can configure exceptions in power games. Interestingly, however, the price, the more because we know that nothing happens by chance. On August 21, 2013 but in Syria held a chemical attack, following which killed more than 1,000 people - have supported the rebels in Damascus. The organization Doctors Without Borders hospital in Syria announced that approximately 3,600 patients treated with "neurotoxic symptoms" after the attack. According to the organization, patients were brought to three hospitals in the region of Damascus on August 21, the day the insurgents say that a chemical weapons attack occurred. But the organization Doctors Without Borders announced that it has the ability to confirm the "scientific" use of chemical weapons. Syrian army categorically denied using chemical weapons on the outskirts of Damascus. In turn, the regime of Bashar al-Assad said that opposition subordinate insurgent forces used chemical weapons. While France wants a reaction force, German Chancellor Angela Merkel disagrees with an attack on Syria. Russia, an ally of Syria on the international scene, attributed the alleged Syrian insurgents chemical weapons attack, calling it an act of manipulation for propaganda. Romania's position on the situation in Syria is a prudent decision but if our country will be united with its allies without reservation.

„Realizm” polityczny w kierownictwie PZPR – płaszczyzny i interpretacje

Author(s): Mirosław Szumiło / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 25/2013

The subject of this article are interpretations of the policy of PUWP in which the activities of the party leadership was presented as manifestations of political realism. Author analyzes two aspects of this policy: 1) relations with the Soviet Union under the rule of Wladyslaw Gomulka and Edward Gierek, 2) two different strategies used by the party leadership to resolve socio‑political crisis in Poland in the years 1980‑1981. Until 1970 the main argument in favor of such “realism” was the fact that the Soviet Union was the guarantor of the western Polish border. In the 70’s Gierek allegedly led the game with Moscow: for the price of dependence on USSR he modernized the state and developed contacts with the West. Imposition of martial law in 1981 in the interpretation of Jaruzelski prevented Soviet intervention and destabilization of the situation in the country. In fact, the alleged realistic attitude PUWP leadership meant the choice of such a strategy which allowed to remain in power.

„Reflexele biopoliticii” sau Despre ce se întâmplă cu biopolitica azi

Author(s): Viorella Manolache / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 174/2013

Under the pressure dictated by Western modernity movements, life finally enters within strategic (long term) relationships circuit. The present study establishes that, bio-politics and bio-power denounces the paradigm of politicization of the biological life. Foucault’s late writings confirm the subordination of bio-politics to the technologies of power, which integrate / reduce life to biological continuity of the species, to the objectification of individual body or investigation of self-techniques, that would allow (beyond the corset of the institutional), the (re) affirmation of subjectivity as a force or a form of resistance. The present reactivation of the bio model establishes that we cannot evade Foucault’s view, in which, the biology- meeting – politics confirms that, none of the terms no longer retains its original meaning.

„RESORTOWE” I „POSMOLEŃSKIE” DZIECI. KONFLIKTY I PODZIAŁY W ILUSTROWANYCH MAGAZYNACH SPOŁECZNYCH

Author(s): Tomasz Mielczarek / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 04/2017

Since 1989 Polish opinion press has transformed into illustrated social magazines perceiving politics as one of many areas of civic activity. Recently, the press in question started increasingly to perform integrating functions, becoming a tool for the creation of group identity. It moved from a platform of ideological parallelism towards a platform political parallelism. Due to political factionalisation and the exploitation of Polish media, they could be classified under the so-called “Mediterranean model” characterised by close ties between the media and political system.

„ROMÂNIA MILITARĂ“ - PRINCIPALE TRIBUNE DE LA DOCTRINE ET DE L’ART MILITAIRE ENTRE LES DEUX GUERRES

Author(s): Hervé Coutau-Bégarie / Language(s): French / Issue: 2/2005

Dans le premier numéro de la revue „România Militară“, après la Grande Guerre, apparaît l’article 1916-1920, une analyse de la participation roumaine à la conflagration.

„RUSSKI MIR” JAKO NARZĘDZIE IMPERIALNEJ POLITYKI KREMLA

Author(s): Olga Wasiuta / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 21/2017

Russia's aggression towards Ukraine is an example of a new approach to conflict resolution in which the psychological "machining" of the opponent state and society is of paramount importance. This is what the Kremlin is paying the most attention to because the well-planned campaign of psychological pressure on the local population limits the need for armed forces to several military units and possibly sabotage. As a result of this type of activity, the control and annexation of the territories of the neighboring country can be achieved, which also means the change of the military and political balance in the region. The psychological impact of the Kremlin was not limited to influencing the consciousness of Ukrainian citizens. Separate activities were conducted in relation to one's own society and to the international public. The attack on the Ukrainian mentality, traditional values, language, culture, education system, historical memory of the nation, national orthodox church was aimed at destroying the identity of the Ukrainian people, cohesion of society and state. Russia has conducted a special operation in Ukraine in order to transform it into a destabilized and helpless part of the Russian Mir. The paper presents the ideological basis of this political concept, its functioning at the institutional level, with particular emphasis on the effects Ukraine has experienced.

„Russkij mir” – rosyjska polityka sąsiedztwa

Author(s): Piotr Kościński / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2015

In public discourse, the policies of Russian President Vladimir Putin are primarily based on the ideology of „Russkiy mir” (Russian World), which is a prerequisite for the construction of a new Russian empire as a union or a bloc of countries with historical and cultural links to Russia. „Russkiy mir” implies the community of nations and states, but the annexation of the Crimea and the war in Ukraine have undermined this community. Does this mean that the concept of „Russkiy mir” is fading? Definitely not.

„Samorodny totalitaryzm” przeciw nowoczesności – infrastruktura serbskiego tradycjonalizmu

Author(s): Lech Miodyński / Language(s): Polish / Publication Year: 0

In this article are discussed the forms of the social traditionalism depicted in the important Radomir Konstantinović’s work Filosofija palanke (1969) – as the example of the timeless negative attitudes towards modernization and tolerance. The reality of Serbia in the phase of transition from traditionalist to modern society here is only one of the possible specifications of the described universal situation which possesses its characteristic features: among others – endeavour to restoring of the tribal community, authoritative and normative pedagogy, sentimental-sarcastic language, masochistic determinism, empirisation of the religion, utilitarianism of the death, loftiness of the banality, cultural infantilism or exclusion of every different character. Analysis of these and another categories, as well as history of the reception of this book, indicate that connection between conservatism, ethnic homogenization and fanaticism on behalf of tradition is close and independent from the ethnocultural and historical realities.

„Schweden sind nicht alle blond“ oder: Gemeinsam macht Europa noch mehr Spaß! - Bericht über ein deutsch-schwedisches Europaseminar mit Jugendlichen

Author(s): Michael Walter / Language(s): German / Issue: 01-02/2002

„Socialinė galia“: nauja teorinė sąvoka tarptautinių santykių galios debatuose

Author(s): Vytautas Isoda / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 10/2011

2010 m. pasirodžiusioje knygoje „Socialinė galia tarptautinėje politikoje“ autorius Nyderlandų tarptautinių santykių instituto (Clingendael) mokslininkas Peteris Van Hamas plačiajai akademinei bendruomenei pateikia naujausią bandymą konceptualizuoti „nematomą“ galios pusę pasaulio politikoje.

„Sociálny kapitál“: kritická perspektíva a nachádzanie optimálnej signifikancie

Author(s): Ján Ruman / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 1/2013

“Social capital” has nowadays become a fashionable term, as well as a tool of the theoreticians trying to describe certain consequences of social changes within civil societies and then to apply it as an indicator of stability, social cohesion, integrity, solidarity and cooperation. The author of this study deals with the genesis of the concept, starting with the specific historical moment of its first application up to the contemporary Czech and Slovak enriching way of viewing the subject. In connection with the genesis of the concept the author outlines three main representatives - Bourdieu, Coleman and Putnam - who by means of their researches contribute to its formation most markedly. He also tries to map the general characteristics of this concept - to aptly express its definition, nature, role and function. The author as well pays attention to the causal connections of the concept formation and to its subsequent application, stressing the questions of relevance and significance of the whole concept. In conclusion, the author focuses on the critical-reflexive view of the subject matter and on the finding of adequate approaches that would enable an optimal accumulation and cultivation of “social capital”. The author, inspired by an approach developed by Czech historian D. Třeštík and by his terminological enrichment of the topic, comes to the conclusion that the term and concept themselves do have their justification and are relevant objects of analysis.

„Solidarność” i opozycja demokratyczna w PRL w latach 1982‑1988 a problem realizmu politycznego

Author(s): Jan Olaszek / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 25/2013

How a realist oppositionist could keep being during the martial law? He could not accept the actions of the authorities, because it would mean giving up their ideological identity. The political realism of oppositionist must lead to demands of cancellation of martial law and stop the repression. “Solidarity” during the martial law sustained idealistic goals: program of “Autonomous Republic” and in the future democratic and independent state. Realism method consisted of choosing forms of action that can be used with success. It can be said that a realistic attitude was Lech Walesa in internment, which relied on government inducements to support the martial law, and while there he didn’t give radical slogans and tried to make a realistic political action. Similarly, you can define the actions of leaders of underground “Solidarity”. They are generally approached from a distance to the ideas of a general strike, considering it is not unrealistic, but rather a legitimate considering the concept of the underground society and the long march. In terms of the discussion on political realism, you can also look at the main debate within the “Solidarity” in the second half of the 80th: for making public action and the pursuit of compromise. In conclusion we can say that all the time since martial law opposition was balanced between idealism and realism.

„Solidarność” w podziemiu (1981-1989)

Author(s): Henryk Głębocki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 14/2010

Wprowadzając w nocy z 12 na 13 grudnia 1981 r. stan wojenny, przygotowywany od lata 1980 r., władze PRL wykorzystały zaskoczenie i napotkały stosunkowo niewielki opór. Złożyły się na to zarówno brak odpowiednich przygotowań ze strony „Solidarności”, niewiara w możliwość sprawnego przeprowadzenia takiej operacji, działania służb specjalnych, jak i przekonanie o sile ponad dziewięciomilionowego związku. Wykorzystano czynniki psychologiczne – zmęczenie społeczeństwa nieraz celowo inspirowanymi konfliktami, a także podsycaną obawę przed sowiecką interwencją. Działacze „Solidarności” wierzyli w skuteczną do tej pory broń – strajki okupacyjne. Zabrakło jednak odpowiednich przygotowań, w tym do działań niejawnych (np. tylko dwa regiony zabezpieczyły swoje pieniądze). Ograniczona skala oporu wiązała się z dominującą w „Solidarności” zasadą niestosowania przemocy i z apelami Kościoła o powstrzymanie rozlewu krwi. Władze spodziewały się bardziej zaciętego sprzeciwu, licząc się z dużą liczbą ofiar śmiertelnych. W praktyce jednak „Solidarność” została zaskoczona akcją wojskowo -policyjną i nie była w stanie zorganizować stosownej odpowiedzi.

„SoNorA” as a factor of developing Adriatic - Baltic co-operation

Author(s): Jan Wendt / Language(s): English / Issue: 10/2010

Our presentation has been concentrated at the scientific description and analysis of “SoNorA” potential. The aim of “South – North – Axis” project has been development of transport and services infrastructure at Central Europe. The main transport corridor, know as well as “Adriatic – Baltic Landbridge” will connecting Polish and Germans ports with Italian, Croatian and Slovenian once. Realization and developing transport net between the Baltic Sea Region and Adriatic Basin let develop stream of good not only between Baltic and Adriatic ports but as well between South Part of Europe, even North Africa and Scandinavia. Developing this transport and transit corridors will give a possibility to create a great number of private enterprise, a green field ones as well as at the service sector. Additionally between aims of Project “SoNorA” are developing activity of logistic and transport services, helping at the preparing and coordinating plans for international cooperation and support of regional development.