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As the government attempts to 'clean up' the country, opposition parties draw parallels with the martial law imposed in the 1980s.
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This special issue seeks to enrich readers’ understandings of the transnational family practices and relations of selected migrant groups of a predominantly Muslim background in a number of Western contexts. It presents theoretically and empirically grounded studies that investigate how these family practices and ties are transnationally shaped, navigated and experienced by different family members. It focuses on two aspects of family life: marriage and the second generation’s aspirations and transnational experiences. Under the first theme, this special issue examines how marriage, migration and kinship interplay in transnationally shaped social fields where multiple legal and normative systems intersect in the lives of migrants. With regards to the second theme, the issue investigates how the children of migrants navigate and experience transnational family norms, ties and practices. Throughout the issue, individual articles shed light on the gendered dimensions of the different family practices and experiences.
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The articles in this volume deal with recent developments concerning the Yezidis. They focus on the consequences of ISIS’ attempted genocide of Yezidis in the Sinjar region, and on aspects of the current public and academic discourse on Yezidis and their religion.
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Reviews of: David L. Phillips, The Kurdish Spring: A New Map of the Middle East, New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 2015. 268 pp., (ISBN-13: 978-1412856805). Bedross Der Matossian, Shattered Dreams of Revolution: From Liberty to Violence in the Late Ottoman Empire, Stanford, California : Stanford University Press, 2014, 264 pp., (ISBN: 9780804791472). Yaniv Voller, The Kurdish Liberation Movement in Iraq: From Insurgency to Statehood, Oxon: Routledge, 2014, 190 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-415-70724-4). Özlem Galip, Imagining Kurdistan: Identity, Culture and Society, London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2015, 311 pp., (ISBN: 978 1 78453 016 7). Mahir A. Aziz, The Kurds of Iraq: Nationalism and Identity in Iraqi Kurdistan, London and New York: I.B. Taurus, 2015, 163 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-78453-273-4).
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Given the fact that for more than 50% of the total human resource (military and civilian) and more than 90% of the military personnel, not only the continuous (after employment) training, but also the initial one (before employment) is provided inside the military education and training system, it becomes a matter of utmost importance for the Romanian Ministry of National Defence to make the best possible use of its resources in order to get the right person, with the right qualification and skills, in the right position, at the right time.The first step in the attempt to accomplish this ambitious objective has already been made by establishing the classification of the military occupations within the Romanian Armed Forces. The next step should be that of performing an occupational analysis in order to have each military occupation described by occupational standards. These standards will make possible a better match of the qualifications and skills get by the graduates of the initial training programmes to the requirements of their first job assignment. This will be possible trough a revision and, wherever it may be necessary, a curriculum correction, in accordance with the identified occupational standards, so that the real training demands can be effectively met and the full potential of the human resources can be exploited.
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Review of: Beatrice Knerr and Fan Jieping (eds.) (2015). Chinese Diasporas in Europe – History, Challenges and Prospects, Kassell: Kassell University Press (ISBN: 978-3-86219-942-6, 250 pp). Amanda Haynes, Martin J. Power, Eoin Devereux, Aileen Dillane and James Carr (eds.) (2016). Public and Political Discourses of Migration, International Perspectives, London: Rowman & Littlefield (ISBN: 978-1-783483-28-0, 302 pp). Eckehard Pistrick (2015). Performing Nostalgia: Migration Culture and Creativity in South Albania, London: Rowman & Littlefield (ISBN: 978-1-472449-53-5, 266 pp). Sari K. Ishii (ed.) (2016). Marriage Migration in Asia: emerging minorities at the frontiers of nation-states. Singapore/Japan: Nus Press/Kyoto University Press (ISBN: 978-4-87698-892-1, 216 pp).
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The paper considers realization of the individual rights and duties. The concept of “self-regulation” is considered. The value of this category is defined. The sphere of self-regulation and individual contractual regulation is investigated: their interrelation, similarities, and differences are revealed.
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Review of: Evinç Doğan (2016). Image of Istanbul, Impact of ECoC 2010 on The City Image. London: Transnational Press London. [222 pp, RRP: £18.75, ISBN: 978-1-910781-22-7]
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Discourse consists of three components: source of the discourse: the addresser, addressee, and the discourse itself. Aristoteles, hence, identified the rhetorical evidences as ethos, pathos and logos concerning these three components. In other words, the addresser/speaker should be sincere and honest, appeal to the emotions of the addressee and use the language consisting of consistent and accurate argumentations to be able to have an impact on the addressee and persuade target audiences. The discourse appealing to emotions was called as fallacy and condemned by first Plato, the teacher of Aristoteles, then by Hamblin (Fallacies, 1970) and later by the contemporary linguists and argumentation scholars. However, Aristoteles and some contemporary linguists such as Plantin, Amossy, and Charaudeau have adopted the idea that it is necessary to touch upon not only the addressee’s minds, but also their emotions to make them believe what we talked. Because the discourse including the addressee’s emotions is more persuasive and effective. In this study, we aim at analysing the rhetorical, discursive and semantic characteristics of victimization discourse based on activating the humane sentiment of the listeners and arousing interest and sympathy. We are going to try to answer these questions like; how does the victimization discourse present in the political discourse? How does this discourse have a role in the persuading and the argumentation of the politicians to the target audiences?
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Göç Dergisi’nin üçüncü yılında beşinci sayısını, okurlarımızla buluşturmaktan kıvanç duyuyoruz. Göç olgusunun her geçen gün hem Türkiye hem de dünya gündeminin ilk sırasında yer alan konulardan biri olması, dergimizin varlığını çok daha önemli kılmaktadır. Bunu Göç Dergisi’ne artan ilgiden de görebiliyoruz. Bu bağlamda, dergimize yazar, hakem ve bilim ve danışma kurulu üyesi olarak destek veren herkese içten teşekkürlerimizi sunuyoruz. Dergimizin bu sayısında, her zaman olduğu gibi birbirinden ilginç makaleler yer almaktadır.
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Migration that exile scented of separation; is destruction, a fire. This destruction and fire what make people said is the story of migration. November 1, 1914 is the date of Russian‟s entrance into the territory of the Ottomans who went to war with a fait accompli. The Russian troops who came to Rize on March 8, occupied Sürmene on March 30 as continued their advance in Black Sea. As of these dates, Black Sea people‟s continuous migration to the west has begun. Trabzon people who go with dream of return, leave from hometown, forced to spend the longest two years of lives; struggled hunger and epidemic disease during the migration; many of them died in the road. Memories, folk songs and epics are left from them. This study describes the story of people who are in the center of war and occupation. Source is verbal literary products that tell the “muhacirlik” based on doomsday depiction with exile feeling of Trabzon people. Folk songs partly accompanied by music, legends and narratives will be evaluated, so that the human perception of migration will be tried to put forward.
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This article critically examines the promises and pitfalls of realist explanations ofpower politics in Europe. Starting with the pitfalls and drawing on a previous paperabout the end of the realist tradition in Europe, Jørgensen argues that realism isa theoretical tradition (among several others) and that as such realism’s utility asan explanatory tool is close to zero. By contrast, realist theories might have someutility in explaining power politics, not least in applications of balance of powertheory, balance of threat theory, theories of alliance politics, power transitiontheory or theories of foreign policy. Subsequently, the explanandum, ‘powerpolitics’, is characterised as an attractive yet slippery concept that is in severeneed of specification. Moreover, the article points out the obvious, specifically thatthe region in question – Europe – is part of the world and that, when explainingpower politics in Europe, several (neo-)realist approaches would highlight theimportance of systemic structural factors. Concerning the promises of realistexplanations, it seems useful to examine the conditions under which the utility ofrealism in explaining power politics in Europe would increase: i) further gains ofthe European right and far right; ii) further advances of revisionist Russia; iii) theEU disintegrating, cf. challenges to the euro, Schengen, and exit strategies suchas Grexit and Brexit; iv) intra-realist tradition developments include a thoroughreconsideration of the realist research agenda, for instance: by means of entering theexperience of problem-oriented eclectic approaches, specifically giving up claimsabout realist supremacy, forgetting the bold claim that only realist theories describethe world as it is, specifying when or where realist theory is relevant and where itis not. The article has three recommendations: realists should give up Europe asa region in which realist approaches are relevant (with a few notable exceptions);instead realists could choose global power shifts or regional balances of power inthe Far East or the Middle East. The engagement of the US/Russia/Iran/Turkey/Saudi Arabia in the Middle East could be seen as a soft case for realist analysts.
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The purpose of the article is to present the achievements of John Stuart Mill in termsof the theory of international trade exchange. Mill was an economist, philosopherand great polymath whose work closed the traditions of the classical school andled it into the neoclassical era in the history of economy. His thought was rootedin the liberal and utilitarian theories of British classics, but it stands out as a resultof confronting the abstract, model approach with observations of the effects ofpractical application. This methodological approach allowed Mill to achieve veryinteresting results, which provided valuable contribution to and further developedthe theory of international trade. The paper has been written primarily on the basisof an analysis of direct sources and is an attempt to present Mill’s most interestingoriginal thoughts regarding this subject. The subjects of the article are, in this order:the epistemological perception and principles of international trade exchange; thetheory of reciprocal demand – as a continuation and elaboration of the theory byAdam Smith and David Ricardo; the theory of protection of infant industries – anoriginal correction of the key principles of the classical school regarding free trade;the principle of compensation in theoretical and practical terms.
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Review of: Nuray Ekşi (2014). Yabancılar ve Uluslararası Koruma Hukuku, İstanbul: Beta Basim Yayin, (ISBN: 9786053331162), 371 Sayfa.
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The article proposes a method for analysing the foreign policy of Latin Americathrough identification of certain common features of the entire region and elementscharacteristic of each Latin American country. There are certain risks involved inthis kind of analysis. On the one hand, the countries of the region share certaincommon traits (language, culture, religion, historical heritage), which encouragesgeneralisations, but on the other hand, this gives rise to numerous risks of overinterpretationin drawing conclusions. Jeanne Hey, however, lists five factorswhich, in her opinion, weigh in favour of performing a combined analysis of theforeign policies of the countries of the region: (1) Latin America and the Caribbean were the target of European colonial expansion; although most Latin Americancountries secured their independence in the early 19th century whereas Caribbeancountries followed suit only in the second half of the 20th century, they still sharethe experience of struggling against neo-colonialism; (2) the economies of mostcountries of the region have a relatively weak position in the global market andremain dependent on exports, mainly of necessity goods, despite many attempts tochange that state of affairs; (3) the countries have developed a specific hierarchicalsocial model where descendants of European colonisers are at the top of the socialladder and all the other citizens are at the bottom; (4) all countries of the regionneed to take into account the hegemonic pressure of the United States in conductingtheir foreign policies (albeit it manifests itself differently in Central America and theCaribbean than it does in South America); and finally, (5) the abundant literatureconcerning this part of the world proves the existence of a multitude of interrelationsand interdependencies in the region. On this basis, the author analyses the foreignpolicies of selected Latin American and Caribbean countries.
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The Pacific Alliance is one of the youngest integration groupings in Latin America.At a time of high popularity of postliberal regionalism among Latin Americancountries, it promotes open regionalism above ideological divisions, providingnew dynamism to regional economic cooperation, and it fits well within the globaltrend of a turn to the intensively developing area of Asia and the Pacific. The aim ofthis article is to present the Pacific Alliance against the background of the dynamicintegration processes in Latin America, including both its special characteristicsand its complementarity with the existing regional organisations.
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During its 65-year history, the Central African Republic proved to be a countryhighly susceptible to destabilising processes. Tribalism, corruption, violence and theincompetence of the ruling elite have become immanent elements of the politicalsystem, leading to a gradual decomposition of the state and its evolution towardsa dysfunctional (‘failed’) state, unable to perform its basic external and internalfunctions. The civil war that engulfed the country in 2013 was a consequence ofpolitical, social and economic conflicts that had been accumulating for many years.In this article, the author sets himself the task of identifying the main factors (internaland external) leading to the destabilisation of the state as well as the sources ofcontradictions that lay at the root of this process. Accumulation of negative trendsalong with low levels of socio-economic development at the moment of gainingindependence and the inability to initiate modernisation processes, as well asthe existence of negative international interrelations (conflicts in the immediateinternational neighbourhood) led to a crisis of statehood in the CAR.
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The Ukrainian and Syrian crises have exerted a considerable negative impacton the relations between Russia and the EU, resulting as they did in upsettingstrategic stability in Europe. A radical split has occurred in practically everysphere, affecting political, economic, military and humanitarian affairs. Its mostpainful manifestation is evident in the sphere of economy, where both parties haveimposed sanctions and restrictive measures on each other, while it appears leastharmful in the humanitarian sector. All in all, the former relations of partnershipand cooperation have been superseded by dislike and even animosity. It will bevery difficult to reach a compromise needed to overcome the split. The rulingcircles of both Russia and the EU have limited room for manoeuvre for reasonsthat are not only international but domestic as well. They are very suspicious ofeach other. Nevertheless, the present confrontation is anomalous in the generalpattern of centuries-old relations of Russia with European states and is likely to beovercome in the mid-term perspective. Yet a new foundation is required in orderto restore their partnership and cooperation.
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The article analyzes anti-Turkish Media-campaign broken out by major Russian TV channels after the November 24, 2015 incident when Russian bomber Su-24 while carrying out its task in the northern part of Syria was shot down by Turkish F-16. The author shows methods of creating enemy image and considers aims and results of respective propaganda campaign. The article tries to estimate consequences of cooling in Russian-Turkish relations including the effectiveness of admitted retaliatory military and economic sanctions against Turkey. It is concluded that there are very serious misunderstandings between countries regarding the future of Syria and their positions in the Middle East region. It might lead to a repeat of crisis such the world faced with after the Su-24 incident, though Russian and Turkish governments have learned their lessons and have become more cautious. They will try not to push the matter through and launch straight-line collision.
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