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„Завива ли надясно“ младото поколение в посткомунистическите страни? Анализ на избрани случаи
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„Завива ли надясно“ младото поколение в посткомунистическите страни? Анализ на избрани случаи

Author(s): Krystyna Szafraniec / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1-2/2017

The characteristics of the so-called Y generation in post-Communist countries indicate that this generation is considerably disappointed by the changes; it is lost, full of fears, and willing to accept political solutions of an authoritarian and xenophobic kind. More distinctly than ever, these solutions are perceived by them as a better way of resolving their life problems related primarily to entry into adulthood (entering the labor market, creating a family, achieving status). This is evident when observing young people’s sympathies and political decisions, which, in many of these countries, indicate a clear “turn to the Right”. Although the tendency in Western countries is similar, its local background is different, and its political consequences might also be different. The paper shows the semantic complexity of the spatial aspect of Left vs. Right in order to describe, using the term “turn to the Right”, the scope and specificities of this phenomenon in several selected countries. The article also explains the factors that make young people in these countries more susceptible to Right-wing political proposals.

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„Ин–Лајн“ Религија: Инвентивна Примена Нових Информативних И Комуникацијских Технологија У Пастирском Деловању Католичке Цркве У Нигерији

Author(s): Walter C. Ihejirika / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2008

In my researches in the field of media religion and culture, I have made extensive comparative analyses of the Catholic and Pentecostal churches in Nigeria and their different communication strategies. This paper highlights the appropriation of the new information and communication technologies by these two Christian denominations in Nigeria. Special attention is paid to the Catholic Church, because, unlike the Pentecostal denominations which see media technologies as an extension of the church pulpit, the Catholic Church has generally exhibited a somewhat cold attitude towards these instruments of mass communication. This attitude goes back to the advent of cinema which the Church’s hierarchy then saw as having the potential of corrupting faith and moral. The Catholic Church has remained largely a print-based Church, investing most of her communication energy in the print media and in oral catechism. But in recent years, this negative attitude of the Church has started to change. Of all the technologies of mass communication, none has been so instantly accepted and embraced by the Catholic Church as the new information and communication technologies. Using the Mater Cyberworld, (a cyber-café founded by the Ahiara Mbaise Catholic Diocese in Eastern Nigeria), as a case, this paper highlights some distinctive characteristics of the Catholic Church’s involvement in the new information and communication technologies. The analysis shows that this media appropriation is one of the means through which the Catholic Church establishes a strong presence in the Nigerian socio-political sphere.

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„КОМПЛЕТНО ИЗДАЊЕ КЊИГА V. БРОЈ 7. 1922
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„КОМПЛЕТНО ИЗДАЊЕ КЊИГА V. БРОЈ 7. 1922

Author(s): Milorad Nedeljković,Ivo Kolbe,Isidora Sekulić,Božidar Adžija,Milan Rešetar / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 07/1922

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„Между историята и вечността“: философският избор на Мишел Фуко през 50-те години
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„Между историята и вечността“: философският избор на Мишел Фуко през 50-те години

Author(s): Elisabetta Basso / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3-4/2016

This article examines the manner in which Foucault is being related to the existential psychopathology during the 50s, according to the newly deposited Foucauldian archives at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France in 2013. In particular, the text concentrates its attention on an unpublished and unedited manuscript: one of the courses of lectures at the University of Lille done by Foucault in 1952–1954, and especially the course on “Phenomenology and Binswanger” (1953–1954). While analysing this Foucault’s course of lectures where the emphasis lies on the philosophical reflexion on the anthropological problem of psychopathology, we are becoming finally able to throw some light upon Foucault’s project of analysing the historicity of the ‘forms of experience’ – a project that has been placed in the very heart of Foucauldian “archaeology” of madness in 1961.

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„МЕКА

„МЕКА" МОЋ ВЛАДАРА НОВОГ ДОБА

Author(s): Vesna R. Stanković Pejnović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2014

Циљ рада је показати прикривен заокрет од демократије ка корпоративној власти као процеса стварања новог света, обликованог од стране владајуће класе чија финанцијска и политичка моћ користи све најважније комуникацијске институције модерног друштва. Та нова елита протеже своју друштвену моћ деловањем на транснационалном нивоу и не изражава интересе поједине националне државе. Они шире своју меку моћ кроз међународне економске институције (СТО) политичку/војну (НАТО) или културолошким или идеолошким достигнућима (ЕУ, либерализам) користећи разне облике индиректне или директне облике контроле како би успоставили неолибералну агенду диљем целог света и проузрокујући систематске промене. Иако постоје снажни отпори тим трендовима, садашњи процеси ће бити само одгођени, али не и заустављени јер они само представљају логичну последицу саме динамике система. Владајуће елите користе високе вредности пропаганде и меке моћи у својој намери да „убеде“ појединце и земље у њиховој имплементацији. У раду је кориштен приступ истраживања основног значења Новог доба и владавине владајуће класе и утицаја њене меке моћи у њиховој међусобној корелацији. Закључак рада је да нова владајућа класа остварује свој циљ стварајући једну светску владу коришћењем своје меке моћи. Током времена ће националне државе постојати, али са умањеном суверености. Њихова моћ се преноси на нову транснационалну владајућу класу која на глобалном нивоу делује на дуалним основама „управљања кризом“ и глобалним планирањем са циљем успоставе међународне „технократске диктатуре“ у постиндустријском, информацијском друштву.

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„Много такива хора са, трудно се разбираме с тях”. За границите в трансграничното сътрудничество
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„Много такива хора са, трудно се разбираме с тях”. За границите в трансграничното сътрудничество

Author(s): Petar Petrov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2017

The difficulties in the joined actions of Bulgarian and Turkish partners on projects within the Trans-border Cooperation Program are the result of the influence of framework factors, rather than being due to cultural differences. Asymmetries, mainly economic in nature, influence the aptitudes and actions of both sides. In the prolonged situation of limited financial resources for the Bulgarian side, the projects turn to be of a key importance for it. Thus the Bulgarian partners try to perform their tasks strictly according to the requirements of EU. At the same time, for the Turkish partners the projects seem to be less attractive and thus failing to create motivation for adhering to the formal rules as well as for the timely fulfillment of the engagements which they have undertaken. In order to cope with the problems in their current and future projects, the Bulgarian actors, using experience and knowledge from previous projects, apply action oriented strategies including creation of generalized images of the Turkish partners together with narratives about meetings and conflicts with them.

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„Мучеништво“ Тамилских Тигрова У Шри Ланки – Вера У Самоубиство Ради Стварања Државе

Author(s): Shanthikumar Hettiarachchi / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2007

The article focuses on the ‘suicide-martyrdom’ deployed by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka as a political strategy for self determination and liberation from the ‘Sinhala hegemony’. The protagonists have given a new political-religious meaning to the historically celebrated acts of religious martyrdom, which took place in the name of faith and belief. Suicide strikers do not believe that the suicide acts they commit are lethal. They are portrayed to be valiant acts of honour and sacrifice on behalf of the family, ethnic community, and more importantly against the ‘terrorising other’ whose ‘acts of violence’ must be terminated. It is performed not as an act of violence, but a resolute sacrifice for the sake of compatriots and their freedom. The author draws some aspects from the research and writings of Peter Schalk and Michael Roberts who have addressed the same subject area on martyrdom as a form of secular resistance, and the latter, on religious aspects in the military formation of a suicide striker and in the aftermath of the mission. He argues that the reconstruction of an astute faith in suicide and its ritualisation as a well crafted political tool and as a powerful means to instil fear psychosis in the enemy for the creation of a separate state.

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„Неавтентичният човек” или за внезапните симетрии в идеологическото писане на Цветан Стоянов
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„Неавтентичният човек” или за внезапните симетрии в идеологическото писане на Цветан Стоянов

Author(s): Bisera Dakova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2017

The analysis attempts to recreate the ideological parallel – on the basis of the genetic cohesiveness between two texts (novel “Nad tvoya dom spokojstvie” [Calmness over your home)] – 1962; 1967) and the essayist tract "Nishkite, koito se prekzsvat” [The Strands That Interrupt] – 1967. The ideology here is thought not as narrowly political as a limited doctrinaire, but by the model of Karl Mannheim – as a way of giving the world a total view, to build apart, contrasting, vivid images of reality. In this sense, ideology is valued for its creative potential: through its overwhelming prospect, the great narrative of alienation has been built, a socio-cultural phenomenon is seen in its historical continuity, the fraudulent similarity of its manifestations, its misleading unity.By means of ideological prejudices, the image of the West – the true event, the scene of evil, the place that has refused the same dialogue – was outlined and subsequently refilled. The West of Tsvetan Stoyanov is long-lived to be ideologically rejected. It is a place of premonition differences, but also of spontaneous, suddenly noticed similarities. Within its limits and vision of comfort, settling and affection to home is also seen, where the figure of the philistine, is the basis of the ideological writing of Svoyanov. The Philistine is a figure that collects epochs, infinite in its incarnations; it is the bearer of the author's incoherent idea of organic, warmth and fullness of being. This anathematic vision consistently undermines the grounds for an ideological description of the world.In the thinking of the remarkable Bulgarian erudite, the two obligatory poles are emerging – the food-saturated West and the ascetically-scattered, “shaggy communism” of the Red Guards in China. The unexpected, but clearly visible, image of the slightly outspoken socialist society, whose utopian horizon has not yet been revoked, emerges unexpectedly among them.

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„О некоторых тенденциях в развитии общеевропейской безопасности и сотрудничества”

„О некоторых тенденциях в развитии общеевропейской безопасности и сотрудничества”

Author(s): Vagif Guseinov / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

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„ОБМАНА СРБИЈЕ“ 1915. ГОДИНЕ: НЕКОЛИКО БРИТАНСКИХ СВЕДОЧЕЊА

Author(s): Miloš O. Ković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2016

У време пораза и повлачења из 1915. године, међу Србима, нарочито у официрском кору и Врховној команди, владало је уверење да је главни узрок слома био у политици сила Антанте према Србији и балканском фронту. Оне су, како се тврдило, узалуд покушавајући да придобију Бугарску, присилиле Србију да изгуби драгоцено време, да би је, пошто је отпочела бугарска мобилизација, спречиле да изврши превентивни напад на Бугарску. Потом су, упркос обећањима, одбиле да пошаљу Србима војну помоћ, чиме су их осудиле на сигуран пораз. У овом чланку испитују се сведочења неколико британских савременика и сведока, од министара, преко чланова мисија до новинара у Србији, из којих се види да је значајан део британске јавности делио овакво мишљење о узроцима српског пораза.

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„ОРАНЖЕВАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ” И МОСКОВСКИЙ ПАТРИАРХАТ

„ОРАНЖЕВАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ” И МОСКОВСКИЙ ПАТРИАРХАТ

Author(s): Igor Greckij / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1-2/2008

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„Освобождение“ и „държавно изграждане“ в българските идеологически парадигми

„Освобождение“ и „държавно изграждане“ в българските идеологически парадигми

Author(s): Nikolay Krastev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2019

The objective of this paper is to analyse the transformation of the political conceptions of “liberation” and “state building” in the ideological paradigms in Bulgaria. At the background of the genesis of the concepts in the classical ideological systems, using the comparative method, the paper reveals the contradiction between their classical reading and that of the Bulgarian political actors. We conclude that the “Liberation”, a traditional liberal concept with a negative definition is opposed by the Bulgarian liberals to “freedom” and is given positive meanings while the Bulgarian left and nationalistic right tend to prefer the liberal understanding of the term to the traditional positive socialist ones.

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„ОТМИЦА ЕВРОПЕ“ – НЕКОНТРОЛИСАНА МИГРАЦИЈА КАО ПРЕТЊА НАЦИОНАЛНОЈ И РЕГИОНАЛНОЈ БЕЗБЕДНОСТИ

Author(s): Nikolaj Jevgenjevič Buzin,Miroslav B. Mladenović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2016

У раду су изнете историјске претпоставке и извори миграције грађана. Урађена је анализа узрока и могућих последица савременог миграционог таласа за земље Европе. Приказан је механизам решавања геополитичких задатака путем манипулације миграционим токовима. Миграције су стални пратилац људске историје. Оне су се дешавале услед објективних околности, али су, не тако ретко, биле и плод реализације одређеног планског концепта. Како год да су настајале, положај појединаца и група захваћених овим појавама, био је веома различит. Могућности које актуелна миграциона ситуација пружа носиоцима организованог криминала и терористичким организацијама, могу веома лако да се претворе у озбиљне безбедносне претње региону и Европи у целини. Да би се нашао адекватан одговор на питање како безбедно и са што мање последица решити актуелну миграциону кризу, неопходно је утврдити њене праве узроке. Да ли је она настала спонтано, услед дугогодишњег нагомилавања незадовољства грађана у економски неразвијенијим и политички неизграђенијим деловима света, или је резултат процеса глобализацијског прекрајања света, не може се једнозначно одредити јер је реч о веома сложеној и комплексној појави којој многи аутори, са разлогом, стављају епитет неконтролисана.Мултидисциплинарност у проучавању феномена миграција и различите вредносне оријентације појединих актера, скоро да чине немогућим формирање његовог општеприхватљивог објашњења. Још веће тешкоће постоје у проналажењу јединственог политичког одговора за практично решавање овог проблема. Имајући то у виду, ни овај рад нема претензије да пружи одговоре на сва питања која проистичу из тако сложене проблематике. Његов основни циљ је да, анализирајући неке мање присутне геополитичке теорије и истичући битне негативности концепта глобалног управљања, из другог угла расветли проблематику миграција као средства геополитичког утицаја и тиме изазове „духовне окршаје у главама читалаца“ (Ђ. Шушњић), односно да покрене „унутрашњи разговор душе са самом собом“ (Платон) јер се миграције, упркос различитом схватању и тумачењу, по могућим последицама, ипак тичу свих нас.

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„Планшетное сознание” как субъективная составляющая „рационального насилия” в глобализированном мире

„Планшетное сознание” как субъективная составляющая „рационального насилия” в глобализированном мире

Author(s): Wadym Slusar / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 52/2015

The author introduces to the scientific revolution the term "tablet consciousness" in the context of the research of problems of realization of violence in the modern world. "Tablet consciousness" is viewed as a subjective component of an indirect form of violence; the main tool is a rational awareness by individuals of the necessity and the inevitability of violence ("rational violence"). The meaning of "tablet consciousness" is revealed in the context of the postpanopticon model of functioning of society. Identified and analyzed the following main features of the "tablet consciousness": replacement of a learning process on the consumption of information and knowledge staging process, focusing on the opinion of an "expert", the cult of lightness as a key of life meaning installations and cynicism.

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„Позитивна биополитика” у 21. веку?
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„Позитивна биополитика” у 21. веку?

Author(s): Bogdana Koljević / Language(s): English / Issue: 03+04/2011

In the first part of this article the author reflects on the philosophical theories of biopolitics in works of Michael Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, articulating the ideas of biopolitics as neoliberalism i.e. of biopolitics as permanency of the state of exception. In spite significant differences in their conceptual projects, in both cases biopolitics appears as the ultimate carrier of contemporary techniques of governing, as the power which rules over law, politics, philosophy and life as such. In the second part, coming from recent theories of Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, the author questions the potentialities of rethinking the live image of positive biopolitics, of multitude and the common, and the possibilites which are emerging in societies of the 21. century. In conclusion, Marx’s idea of true democracy is presented in this context, as the philosophical and political name which is seen in the light of resistence to the empire and as a new positive biopolitics.

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„Поможет ли нам Запад?”

„Поможет ли нам Запад?”

Author(s): Vladimir Kantor / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1 (2)/2002

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„Посмъртната съдба“ на Христо Ботев през призмата на местата на памет
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„Посмъртната съдба“ на Христо Ботев през призмата на местата на памет

Author(s): Maria Angelova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2018

The article discusses the main indicators for perceiving Hristo Botev in the public space, by eliciting some of the debates and the attempts for appropriation of his figure. The ideas about the personality, which has in different periods been an occasion for diverse opinions and interpretations, are presented from the perspective of their significance in the culture of memory and of their role in explicating time and identity (Assmann 2001: 20). These notions diverge the figures of correlation to national parameters, but also to unrelated to the initial ideas trends, which is presented in the text with the theme about the appropriations and the popular uses of this character. Separate attention in the article is paid to the monuments dedicated to Hristo Botev in different periods and parts of the country and to the changing emphases in the commemorations to the national hero. The discussed examples outline a comprehensive presentation of different studies on the topic and raise new questions, which are important in view of future research.

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„Правила гри” на політичному ринку України: теоретико-економічне обґрунтування

„Правила гри” на політичному ринку України: теоретико-економічне обґрунтування

Author(s): Roman Yakovenko / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 23/2013

Article object – is to determine the principles and trends, which are forms the habitat of interaction of political relations in a modern Ukrainian society, using the conceptions of industrial and post-industrial societies. In the article the author made a try to start analyzes of Ukrainian political relations from the view of theoretical economy. Follow definitions were formulated: political market and its equilibrium, political demand and the political demand price, political supply and the real situation in political competition in Ukraine. The role of government in organizing of political processes and a corruption, as its result, has been analyzed. Also, the writer paid attention to problems of transforming modern Ukrainian society, according to conception of post-industrial civilization. As a result, we say: main barriers of forming „fair play” regulations of Ukrainian political market today are: monopolizing tendencies in a production resources ownership, slow tempo of forming citizen society, dominating of material needs under the un-material needs of society, which is based on the low life-living.

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„ПЪТЯТ НА КОПРИНАТА“, ЕВРАЗИЙСКИЯТ ПРОЕКТ И „ГОЛЯМА ЕВРАЗИЯ“ (ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ ПРОЧИТ)

„ПЪТЯТ НА КОПРИНАТА“, ЕВРАЗИЙСКИЯТ ПРОЕКТ И „ГОЛЯМА ЕВРАЗИЯ“ (ГЕОПОЛИТИЧЕСКИ ПРОЧИТ)

Author(s): Boris Manov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2019

The research is carried out through the prism of geopolitics and reveals the "logic" and the essence of „The Belt and Road Initiative“. It outlines its basic ideas and goals. The study justifies and proves the (hypo)thesis that despite the apparent "leadership" of the economic events, the political and geopolitical aspects (vectors) of the project are linked to the economy. The economy does not function on its own way, but is formulated, supported by policy and used for political purposes, i.e., the project in its deep essence is political. The political nature of „The Belt and Road Initiative“ is expressed in the following: it is an attempt to find in internal policy a mechanism to preserve the political power of the Communist Party and to continue the existence of the dominant political system - the totalitarian (one-party) political system in the PRC. The geopolitical task is to find the „place“ of modern China in the global world. The goal is to restore the central ("middle") location of China in the 21st century world. „The Silk Road“ is one of the directions for its realization and the means for its achievement are complex - the „most obvious“ are theactions in the economic sphere, but equally important are the military, diplomatic, cultural factors and impacts. In conclusion, it is argued that „The Belt and Road Initiative“ will be realized as an optimal, reasonable balance between the „desired“ and the „possible“ and will be specified in the adoption of the formula „Great Eurasia“, i.e., in the transformation of China into a regional (regional-global, global-regional) center, the „middle empire“ of the Eurasian supercontinent, the largest and most powerful geopolitical and geo-economic power center in the future „multipolar“ or more likely „bipolar“ („West-Sea“ - „East-Еarth“) world from the middle and the end of the 21st century.

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„Санкциите срещу Русия“ в предизборната кампания 2017 – политически (зло)употреби

„Санкциите срещу Русия“ в предизборната кампания 2017 – политически (зло)употреби

Author(s): Ralitsa Kovacheva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2018

The article examines how the issue about the sanctions against Russia, imposed by the EU in response to the Crimean annexation and the destabilization of Ukraine, was politically (mis)used in the 2017-election campaign in Bulgaria. The empirical data presented show that certain politicians and political parties used a mix of untrue facts, speculatively selected facts and opinions presented as facts, in order to frame the topic according to their party lines. Ultimately, some politicians (mis)used the subject, while deliberately misleading and misinforming the audience. Against the backdrop of recent discussions about fake news and disinformation, focusing primarily on the online media, the case study presented here demonstrates how easy it is for the disinformation to penetrate traditional media when politicians are its main sources and speakers.

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