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Latin America mostly resume many internal problems but now search for its geopolitical role. US, Europe or China - who would be the main partner of this continent?
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In the present study, the relations between the EU and the US in the field of personal data transfer are followed after the Schrems II Decision of the Court of Justice of EU (CJEU). The latter are analyzed in the context of continuous cooperation and constantly developing information and communication technologies in the Euro-Atlantic dimension. The importance of the personal data transfer and their application as a structural element in the aspect of the data-driven economy is indicated. The main arguments presented by the CJEU, with which the agreements in force between the EU and the US are annulled, are examined. It is made an assessment of the CJEU jurisprudence’s importance in ensuring high standards for the adequate level for protection of EU citizens’ personal data in the context of their transfer to the US. The author reviews the draft of the new legal instrument for an adequacy decision named the Transatlantic Data Privacy Framework, presented and the more important commitments by the US in relation to the fulfillment of the EU law conditions for the personal data transfer to third countries.
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Bolshevik mythology presented the events of October 1917 as an effect of the operating laws of history, i.e. a necessary phenomenon through which the sense of history manifested, and, at the same time, as an effect of the activity of the masses led by the Bolshevik Party, an act in the power struggle. The Bolshevik myth of October 1917 was a founding myth; it created an impression that there had come a “new era in the history of humankind”, ending “all forms of exploitation”. It legitimised the government established at the time as one rooted in the revolution opening this new era and representing the most profound interests of a class that was to abolish the most tragic division in the history of humankind — class division.The myth of October had to have its collective and individual heroes. From this point of view its content was described in the most succinct manner by the following formula: the Great October Socialist Revolution was carried out by the working class allied with the poor peasantry led by the Bolshevik Party headed by Lenin. The cult of Lenin was primarily a cult of a victorious revolution and party leader that had led the masses to a triumph. Almost identical formulas were used by Stalin, Khrushchev and Gorbachev. However, the real heroes of the revolution were the Bolshevik themselves, their party and their leaders. In Stalinist times the main protagonist of the October myth was the “Bolshevik Party of Lenin-Stalin”. The leading role in the party became a crucial element of Bolshevik mythology, independent of political transformations and turns in the USSR.
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The text, written by Asya Sokratova, is part of a dissertation on “The Relations of the Holland with the Balkan Countries 1918–1941”, and concerns a littleknown episode in the life and work of Simeon Radev. Simeon Radev joined the diplomatic service after the war as Minister Plenipotentiary in The Hague (1920–1921). His last diplomatic posting was in Brussels (1938–1940). The article reviews documents from the archives related to the position of Simeon Radev in the Hague and then in Brussels, a few months before Bel gium and Holland were attacked by Germany.
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The aim of this article is to identify and characterize selected sources of national antagonisms of the Second Polish Republic through Ukrainian activities in Eastern Lesser Poland. The considerations are based on archival material and critical analysis of scientific literature.A thesis was put forward that the actions taken to materialize the Ukrainian case and interests in Eastern Lesser Poland were a source of national antagonisms in the Second Polish Republic and one of the factors weakening the security of the Polish state.The presented arguments show that the so-called Ukrainian case in Eastern Lesser Poland was connected to the security of the Second Polish Republic, and the Ukrainian actions in this region, unfavourable towards Poland, weakened Poland’s security. The actions taken by the Ukrainians were a source of national antagonisms in Poland in the interwar period. Nationalism, terrorism, neglect of duties related to military service, anti-Polish propaganda and defamation of Poland in the Ukrainian press and diplomacy in the international arena, threatened Poland’s security in relation to the development of the sociopolitical situation in Eastern Lesser Poland.
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Switzerland has a unique political system, because of its institutional curiosities and unique democratic procedures. It seems that everyone should be surprised by the same state construction that dialectically combines confederation with federation. The Swiss political system represents a rare model of assembly government, known also as parliamentary-committee system. Its main trait is the lack of power division as a foundation of democratic order. Bicameral parliament – the Federal Assembly, composed of the National Council as representation of people and the Council of States representing the cantons acts as supreme authority and appoints all remaining federal institutions. The mode of election of the National Council is based on strict proportional representation without electoral thresholds and with maximal openness of the whole electoral process. The Federal Council that is popularly considered as government is executive institution and always has seven members. The Swiss governments acts as a collective body without prime minister. One of the members of the Federal Council serves as president. He has only formal procedural duties and has no political prerogatives. And, what is important, contrary to the name of his office, the president is not head of federation, because this role falls to the entire Federal Council. Four strongest political parties of country are represented in the government, and in a result of this, the permanent cooperation of the Swiss system makes a unique consensus democracy.
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The main research objective of the article is to show the evolution of Switzerland’s neutrality after the Cold War. Based on the analysis of internal and external conditions, the thesis is formulated that in the conceptual sphere, Switzerland refers to the traditional principles of perpetual neutrality, both in official positions as well as political rhetoric. This aspect clearly distinguishes it from the neutral and non-aligned European Union states. At the same time, in the realm of implementation, it is actually shifting to positions of non-alignment/post-neutrality. The main components of the redefinition of neutrality materialised in the form of a rejection of the principles of the so-called economic neutrality as well as a change of attitude towards armed conflicts. Their implementation opened up opportunities for participation in the process of European integration and a broader commitment to international solidarity as well as management crises. It was in line with the expectations of the international community. The lack of consequences was critically assessed as well as the main barriers to the implementation of the principles of the new concept of neutrality in the 1990s. The beginning of the 21st century brings a clear stabilisation of Helvetic neutrality, including changes in the field of cooperative security policy. Joining the European Union’s sanctions against Russia confirms the continuity of the assumptions of the post-Cold War concept of neutrality.
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The aim of the article is to present the unique concept of Switzerland’s security as a neutral state and the most important points in the process of its evolution. For this purpose, the most important stages of shaping the concept of security and defense policy of the state, legal bases and an attempt to define what are currently the pillars of Switzerland’s defense and security will be presented. One of the important points to deal with this topic are the current international events related to the pandemic and the armed conflict in Ukraine and the position of Switzerland as a neutral state, which is an interpretation of the shaping of the contemporary concept of Swiss security in the changing balance of power. In the preparation of this article, the analysis of reports, studies, publications and existing documents was used, as well as the historical, institutional and legal approach as well as elements of system analysis.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the impact of referenda on the increase in the popularity of anti-European sentiments in Switzerland on the example of the activity, in particular during selected referendum campaigns, of the Swiss People’s Party (Schweizerische Volkspartei, SVP). Two research hypotheses will be examined in the article: leading – H1: The Swiss People’s Party uses anti-European slogans to build its position on the political scene; and auxiliary – H2: the Swiss anti-European narrative is primarily related to migration issues. In order to verify or falsify the hypotheses, the following research questions were posed: Q1: Which dimensions of Europeanization arouse the greatest controversy and political disputes in Switzerland?; Q2: What are the programmatic and organizational specifics of the Swiss People’s Party?; Q3: What means does the Swiss People’s Party use in referendum campaigns?; Q4: Are there, and if so, what, specific features of the Swiss anti-European narrative? The answers to the research questions will be contained in the following parts of the text. In the summary, research hypotheses will be resolved and conclusions will be presented.
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The aim of our research is to explore the activities in the area of humanitarian diplomacy. We are seeking to find an answer to the question to what extent public diplomacy, based on humanitarian diplomacy, intercultural dialogue, respecting human rights can be effective in positioning a country in a high position on the international stage. The aim of this article is to analyze humanitarian diplomacy as a significant tool in the conduct of foreign affairs. We would also like to answer the question of the role that humanitarian diplomacy plays in the foreign policy of Switzerland and Sweden, and secondly to what extent values such as humanitarian aid, human rights and promotion of intercultural dialogue reinforce the images of the countries in question and constitute a key element of the Swiss and Swedish models of public diplomacy.
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The aim of this article is to attempt to look at the phenomenon of the multilingual democracy of Switzerland, from the point of view of a methodological perspective called the hermeneutics of multilinguisticality, to answer the question of whether this proposal may prove useful in the area of a better understanding of the phenomena and processes taking place within that field. In a more detailed form, it considers the extent to which this relatively constant presence in the consciousness of the Swiss optic of multilingualism, can influence the ideas about potential solutions of a political and institutional sort.
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The article examines the origins and transformation of direct democracy in Switzerland and discusses this problem against the wider background of strong connection of Switzerland to the tradition of both Germanic and Romance culture. The political system of direct democracy has grown out of the need to deal effectively with linguistic, cultural and identity conflicts within multicultural societal matrix. I aim at examining how – out of the original confederations and the subsequent differentiation of the cantons – the very idea of a federation emerged. More specifically, how the culture of compromise became the standard modus operandi in Switzerland. In philosophical terms, the tension between the freedom of the individual, the canton, and democracy, the federation, i.e. between the individual and the collective, plays a key role here. The article consists of two parts. First, I tackle the problem of the mechanism of community building along the lines of Swiss formula of “unity in diversity.” Secondly, I discuss how did the Swiss citizens internalise the idea of belonging to the community of the confederation established on the model of direct democracy.
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Switzerland’s migration policy today is the result of international commitments, the needs of the labor market and an aging society, as well as the fears of some Swiss people about the influx of foreigners. Despite the restrictive immigration policy, 39.5% of permanent residents of Switzerland are immigrants or descendants of immigrants in the first generation. Such a state requires measures to integrate newcomers with the host society. The aim of the article is to show to what extent Switzerland’s immigration and integration policy is dependent on the political solutions characteristic of this country – often used forms of direct democracy, such as referendum or popular legislative initiative, and the strong position of the cantons.
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Switzerland is one of few countries where popular referenda are an integral part of political life. These can be held on a variety of issues. Out of 186 proposals voted in the country between 2000 and 2021, this article analyses 17 related to culture in its broadest sense. The chosen examples include both specific issues as well as those fundamental to society, such as the right to abortion or the legal status of same-sex marriage. Typically, votes on cultural issues do not draw much public interest. The turnout rarely exceeds 50%, leaving decisions which affect the whole society to a minority of those eligible to vote. It should be stressed that, in some cases, referenda on cultural issues are a clear example of positivist belief that law is man-made.
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The article focuses on the priorities of Russian foreign policy in relation to the Middle East, North Africa, and, above all, Russia’s Eastern European neighbors, after a significant reduction in the activity of the United States in the Middle East. The main research material is the official statements of the top-level Russian decision-makers. It is assumed that the priorities can be examined after analyzing the determination of states to sacrifice a certain group of benefits for more significant gains in the long-term and axiological perspective. The official Russian narrative since President Putin’s Munich speech in 2007 has been characterized by increasing criticism of the US and its allies, especially in view of the destabilization of the situation in the Maghreb, Syria and Afghanistan.What Russia proposes instead is to stop promoting political patterns that are alien to the region and to start pragmatic cooperation. Its obsessive goal is to build a multipolar world that respects zones of influence. The annexation of Crimea and further steps towards assertiveness towards Belarus and Ukraine, whichcould be observed verbally, became the motivation for sanctions by NATOcountries. However, according to its narrative, Russia does not trade with its sovereignty, and the economic activity of the state and the oligarchs rather focused on moderating the effects of the sanctions that the Kremlin was and still is ready to take into account in the long-term perspective with the hope to reunite the socalled Russian World and keep an eye on the ‘near abroad’. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Russian narrative only became sharper, without departing from its fundamental assumptions. In addition to the obsession with multipolarism, the imperative of defending the Russian population in eternally Russian territories sounded even clearer. Despite the obvious aggression in real behavior, the Kremlin’s verbal propaganda portrays Western policy as the source of international problems and makes it responsible for the outbreak of war. This may indicate the validity of Mearsheimer’s thesis that the presence of Russia’s closest neighbors in the European Union, and even more so in NATO, is perceived in Moscow as an existential threat.
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The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa.
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The aim of this article is to analyze contemporary symbols and signs associated with radical and extremist systems, political movements and paramilitary organizations in Ukraine, especially in the context of the events in Cracow in 2021, when the monument to Józef Piłsudski and the Legion Quartet were vandalized. The letter „N” was painted on the pedestal of the monument to Józef Piłsudski and Four legionnaires were painted yellow and blue – colors of the Ukrainian flag in reverse order. There was also a piece of cardboard left with the inscription “Poland – not only for the gentry”.
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The article analyzes the content of history coursebooks in selected republics of Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The author focuses on the matter that is less frequently interpreted but nevertheless has a significant influence on the societies – the most recent editions of coursebooks on the national history of the 20th century. The republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan were chosen because in each of these states the Soviet heritage is debated for different reasons, and its evaluation is redefined to a different degree. The analysis focuses on the newest editions of coursebooks, written from the perspective of more than two decades of independence; they were also revised and expanded during the periods of increased political dynamics in all three countries: in Kyrgyzstan, after two sudden changes of the government; in Uzbekistan, after the death of Islam Karimov; and in Kazakhstan, after Nursultan Nazarbayev’s voluntary stepping down from the office of the president of the republic. The author pays special attention to the differences in various national historical narratives relating to the key historical events of the Soviet period (from the point of view of Central Asian countries): the creation of national republics within the Soviet Union, the participation of republics of this region in the events of World War II, the process of the collapse of the USSR. The author juxtaposes the contemporary historical narrative with the parallel historical policy in these republics. The author also points to the degree of closeness of today’s historical narrative in Central Asia to the narrative developed during the Soviet period. Such a comparison shows significant differences between the analyzed countries in the degree of change of the language base developed in the Soviet period. The study also shows a different tendency to reject the Soviet historical concept. This indirectly gives an answer to the question of the possibility of liberating today’s Central Asian historical narrative from the ‘complex of hegemon’, which is characteristic of postcolonial countries.
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