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In this review, the author discusses the relations between government and administration over an historical period, divided into four parts. The first period ends in 1789; during this time the King sold positions of employment in publice services. Services was actually a function delegated by the Monarch for a consideration, and yielded a steady salary. Positions in the services were even inherited. A system such as this finally led to the establishment of administration capable of contesting the power of the government. There was also the rank of commissar; these officers were appointed and dismissed from office by the King himself. The second was the period of the Revolution and elected administration. Only active citizens who paid taxes had the right to vote; only the роsitions of the high-ranking officers of the administration were filled in this manner. Third is the period of the Empire, in which the administration was ruled by the power of the Dictator. Public function (services) was created under Napoleon. A hierarchy of public officers was established, according to function and position. Administrative Law bom during this period. The fourth is the period of the Parliametary regime and the administration was subjected to its rule. This period is characterised by instability and the frequent coming and going of the ministers elected by the Parliament, on the other hand, by the stability of the administration. The Cabinet of Ministers was set up for the first time, to enable relations with Parliament, the press, and various techical and professional services. There is a trend of strong influence of politics on the administration. A change of government or regime usually means a change of personnel in the administration as well. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the establishment of stable relations between the government and the administration was to be achieved through legislature.
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In this article, the author analyses the authority of the ministers and the organisation of the ministries, by looking at the position of the ministers in the government, their activities as chiefs of their relevant departments, and the coordination among them. He does this by taking into account the point of view that the position of the ministers is, at the same time, political and administrative. The President of the Republic is the real generating force of the government's initiative, so that his views (program) determine the activities of the ministers in the government. He rarely issues directives to the relevant ministers themselves, but rather does this through the agency of the Prime Minister; it goes without saying, however, that the activities of the ministers are in alignment with the political program of the President. The Prime Minister supervises the daily activities of the ministries. He issues orders to the ministers, and his interventions are usually public. The position of the minister at the head of his relevant department is politically framed by the prerogatives of the Head of State, and administratively by the authority of the Prime Minister. The minister manages over the activities of his relevant department. The organisation of the ministry is not regulated by law, and therefore can be changed as the case may be. The principle of hierarchy is strongly stressed, and so are the prerogatives of the minister. The most important authority of the minister regards his legislative initiative (within the competence of his department), and his right of countersignature of the proposals made by the President and the Prime Minister (in matters within the competence of his department). In dealing with one another, the ministers are equal in rights, and jointly support the political program of the government. Their cooperation is formalised by their joint countersignature. In the matter of appointment to the ministerial function, two principles are applied: the principle of political merit, and the principle of professional or expert skills. Research has revealed that the number of officials and administrative employees is constantly increasing, and therefore, the cost of their maintainance. The author is of the opinion that this has already become a political problem. In conclusion, the author is in favour of the modernisation of the administration; he is also for combining centralisation with decentralisation; he feels that horizontal communication should be improved; finally, he is in favour of the introduction of modem technical means into their work.
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The authors of this paper begin by defining geopolitics as a synthetic science, as well as applied geopolitics, constituted in the theoretical level of geopolitics, in an attempt to point to the existing subdisciplines that are already constituted and which categorical-conceptual and methodological apparatus is used for analysis of special, isolated phenomena, such as identity, cyberspace, emotions, etc. Starting from the fact that geopolitics is a complex synthetic science that develops its theoretical steps forward towards constitution of new disciplinary and subdisciplinary dimensions, the authors strive towards constituting a new, original subdiscipline defined as “geopolitics of health”. We are speaking of a discipline of applied geopolitics (applicative geopolitics) that deals with research of the impact of socio-geographical, economic and political factors on endangering health as a public good in the context of geopolitics as synthetic science. Thus, geopolitics of health is a pioneer subdiscipline of geopolitics that researches, analyses and synthetizes the acquired results in order to distinguish possible abuse of medical science and health system by corruptive individuals, interest groups, health authorities, pharmaceutical industries, legal regulations and official state and international organizations’ policies, which all, in some way, deal with the issue of human health. Using the method of analysis and synthesis, the method of deduction and the geopolitical method, we strive to lay the foundation for further research advances in the context of geopolitics as a synthetic science.
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The paper presents an analytical overview of the aspects of organizing and functioning of the brigade command in the process of operational planning of military operations. The aim of the work is to offer and compare a new solution for the organization of commands of different levels (in this case, brigade commands) in the process of planning operations, while considering all aspects of the offered organization models. By identifying the possibility of improving the structure and functioning of the command, with the help of the analytical-hierarchical process (AHP) multi-criteria decision-making method, the procedure for choosing the best alternative in terms of the command organizational structure model and the brigade command work organization model, in the concretely considered situation, was presented. Model A, considered in this paper, is adapted to the NATO model of brigade command organization, model B is a modified basic model of brigade command organization, defined in our doctrinal documents. Based on the research, model B of the organizational structure is realistic and high-quality and represents the basis for redefining and improving the organization of the work of the brigade command in the process of operational planning of military operations.
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Öffentliche Jahreshauptversammlung der Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft 2023 Hamburg und online, 25.02.2023 Symposium 2023 of the SOG Scientific Advisory Board Russia and Southeast Europe: Perceptions and Cultural Diplomacy Organization: Southeast European Association (Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft / SOG) Concept and moderation: Prof. Dr Christian Voß, Berlin and Dr Christian Hagemann, München Hybrid event: Hamburg and online, 24 February 2022 Der westliche Balkan – Aktuelle Herausforderungen im Zeichen des russischen Angriffskriegs in der Ukraine Veranstalterin: Südosteuropa-Gesellschaft (SOG) München, 30. Januar 2023
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Reviews of: Natalia Stagl Škaro (Hg.) „Fischen und Fischergespräch und Anderes von Petar Hektorović aus Hvar“ Humanität und Humanismus in der kroatischen Renaissance Wien, Lit Verlag GmbH & Co. KG 2021 (= Tusculum slavicum, Bd. 3), 392 Seiten, ISBN 978-3-643-50889-8 Ulrich A. Wien (ed.), Crossing Borders – Impact of Reformation in Transylvania since the 1520s Diversity of Faith and religious Freedom in the Ottoman Zone of Influence Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2022, Illustrations, 377 pp. (= Refo500 Academic Studies, Band 86), ISBN 978-3-525-57339-6 Ulrich A. Wien (ed.), Crossing Borders – Impact of Reformation in Transylvania since the 1520s Diversity of Faith and religious Freedom in the Ottoman Zone of Influence Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 2022, Illustrations, 377 pp. (= Refo500 Academic Studies, Band 86), ISBN 978-3-525-57339-6 Dimitar Bechev, Turkey under Erdoğan How a Country Turned from Democracy and the West New Haven and London: Yale University Press 2022, 263 Seiten, ISBN 978-0-300-24788-6
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The aim of the present paper is to highlight the way Elena Vlǎdǎreanu (a Romanian writer) turns a feminine experience (motherhood) into a main theme of her poetry. After following an outline that shows some significant points of view on the relation between repetition and creation, the study focuses on poems whose style is both autonomous and paradigmatic. An reflexive approach of body, connection, and disjunction is hidden in Vlǎdǎreanu’s poetry, by means of strategies that emphasize the mincing/ hybridization of human subject and suggest the language crises.
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Politics is a battleground for ideological exhibition by different social and political actors, and these actors ensure victory at all cost, even if it sometimes leads to the denigration of opponents through labeling. This paper investigated how the All Progressive Congress (APC) was able to successfully oust the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) from the government by deploying strategies to present PDP with negative identities during campaigns exercises which preceded the election. Using the inquiry word ʻO to ge Kwaraʼ, 15 videos were recovered from YouTube and they formed the data for the paper. YouTube was selected on the grounds that it serves as an archive for political campaign videos in Nigeria. The selected videos were subjected to analysis through the application of van Dijk’s (2006) approach to Critical Discourse Analysis. The negative identity representation of the Peoples Democratic Party in the 2019 general elections in Kwara State, thrived on the ‘O to ge’ rhetoric and the representations from the vistas of ‘others’. The paper concluded that these negative identity representations are projected through different discourse strategies.
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Brexit, as seen from the present perspective, is seemingly a success story. Taking into account a myriad of voices expressed in the public domain over the past few years, it is legitimate to make a cautious claim that some of the expectations people shared before/during the referendum have been inflated and deflated in the post-plebiscite reality. In 2016, across the majority that voted for the divorce, a growing consensus on the soundness and solidity of pro-Leave arguments about Britain being in crisis was seen. The proponents of change had endorsed the policy of restoring a sense of national dignity. That mode of reasoning, though still present within current “British” mindsets, has been confronted with the “unplanned” turbulence of national (re) adjustment. The whole process of bidding farewell to the European Union has led to sentiments of uncertainty/anxiety/regret, rather than to the anticipated sense of satisfaction/relief. Therefore, it seems both vital and interesting to juxtapose the passion about restoring people’s trust in Britishness/Englishness, and its “exceptionality” with more sobering projections of a new post-Brexit world. In order to discuss the consequences of this self-inflicted condition, I will here elaborate on selected English literary texts. They feature authors who draw conclusions running parallel to Anderson’s assumptions that in times of crisis a general predilection for self-deluding (re)constructions of collective identity can be observed, which are variously expressed in a merely referential, subversive or satirical manner.
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The aim of the paper is to explore the possibilities to increase social and distributive justice in the Belgrade housing policy context. The research is conducted through the analysis of the effects that the existing housing tax policies and its relation to investments, purchase, owning and renting houses in the capital of Serbia. The research is threefold: firstly, the paper analyses the existing institutional framework for housing taxes; secondly, the authors conduct qualitative research by interviewing real estate agents and house buyers to determine their motives for purchasing their first or additional houses; thirdly, the paper provides a comprehensive model of housing prices determinants in the city of Belgrade. By cross comparing the research results, the paper aims at developing alternative models of taxation which would have significant impact on housing policies, linking them to social justice principles. The change of the tax policies should make houses affordable for those who are buying their first property and intending to live in them, and progressively expensive for those who buy houses for their businesses or as a form of investments or personal savings.
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The administrative city institutional model should have room for analysis related to the existence of these institutions in supporting public services in the context of regional government administration that adheres to the principle of single autonomy, one of which is DKI Jakarta Province as an autonomous region. The problem faced by administrative cities today is because the mayor's task is stronger in coordinating regional apparatus units, so that the accountability of the mayor's performance is difficult to measure. The purpose of this study was to find a model for the appropriate administrative city institutional arrangement in the administration of the DKI Jakarta Province regional government. The research method used is qualitative research with an analytical descriptive approach. The results show that the decentralization within city model is the right model for DKI Jakarta, namely decentralizing institutional tasks to smaller units so that needs, responsibilities and decision making are closer to the community. This approach encourages the formation of a neighboring city government and a Mini-city Hall in the administrative city of Central Jakarta.
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There is yet to be a consensus on government expenditure and revenue nexus. The debate revolves round four major arguments, namely, revenue-spend hypothesis, spend-revenue hypothesis, fiscal synchronization hypothesis and fiscal neutrality hypothesis. The fiscal neutrality hypothesis postulates lacks of causal relationship between revenue and expenditure of the public sector. This study specifically examines the validity of the fiscal neutrality hypothesis in the Nigerian Local Government. The extent to which this hypothesis is true or false in the Nigerian Local Government (LG) deserves empirical investigation considering the role of the tier of government at ensuring grassroots development. Hence, this study sets out to test the fiscal neutrality hypothesis in the LG of Nigeria, using a quarterly data from 1993Q1 to 2019Q4. The data were sourced from Central Bank of Nigeria’s statistical bulletin and analyzed using pairwise Granger causality technique after testing for unit root and cointegration. This therefore study upholds the fiscal neutrality hypothesis in the Nigerian LG, having confirmed no causal relationship between expenditure and revenue in the Nigerian LG. It is high time that fiscal synchronization of Local Government revenue and expenditure be vigorously pursued by the government through various reforms.
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It is no longer a major news item that economic transactions are being conducted effortlessly online across the globe without any serious hindrance that was hitherto occasioned by geographical location across the globe. This development cuts across almost sector of the world economy: aviation, energy, shipping, commercial retailing, commodities, fashion etc. One of the notable consequence of this development is that both transacting parties and their host governments stand to make more income as a result of the likely increase in volume of expected transactions on the part of the transacting parties and the possibility of more revenue from taxation accruable to the government. Thus this surge in online business has led to a significant development digital economy in many countries. An effective digital economy presents many benefits for developing countries, especially Nigeria with a large population. This article examines the potentials of the Nigerian digital economy vis-à-vis its potential to contribute to generation of income via taxation. It then concludes that Nigeria stands to gain a lot from its growing digital economy but it requires establishment and maintenance appropriate structure and policy in order to maximize the potential benefits derivable from its digital economy.
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This article aims is to define what a Ponzi scheme is, to present the known types of Ponzi scams and how they operate, focusing also on the legal implications for Ponzi scams, as well as on the warning signs for the potential victimis and authorities. The paper adopts both qualitative and quantitative research methods. In achieving the objectives of the study, data were sourced from secondary materials, i.e. relevant books, journals and internet materials.
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The study examined the political party participation and democratic governance in Nigeria using the Osun state 2018 gubernatorial election as a case study. It also delves into how political parties mobilized people to participate in democracy, examine their roles in the 2018 Osun state gubernatorial election, and assess the challenges facing political parties in engendering participation and democratic governance. The study utilized primary and secondary sources of data. Primary data were collected using questionnaire and oral interviews. Purposive random sampling method was employed in the selection of a total of twenty (20) party members each from the six political parties that participated in the election making a total of 120 respondents, and 20 each from identified groups of people (Market women, farmers, business operators, INEC staff, community development associations and government workers) making 120 respondents. In all, a total of two hundred and forty (240) questionnaires were administered in the three senatorial districts of the state. The results revealed that the political parties are the key actors in democratic governance. Following the investigation, it became apparent that political parties have several roles to play in engendering participation in politics as well as democratic governance. Though there have some militating factors hampering the achievement of these lofty functions among which are poor funding, government interference, poor political education, thuggry and hooliganism, violence and threat to lives. The study concluded that without viable political parties, participation in politics will continue to drop, and democratic governance will not be assured.
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Tertiary institutions are meant to educate, train and equip students mentally and morally to be responsible future leaders with the capacity to contribute significantly to societal growth and development; in peaceful and safe environment necessary for effective learning and research. However, many campuses of tertiary institutions in Nigeria are direct opposite of peaceful and safe ambiance largely due to violent and criminal activities of cult groups, wielding dangerous weapons and indulging in alcohol & hard drugs. Cultism certainly obviates the desired peaceful and safe campus for effective learning and research. This study therefore dwells on the interplay between cultism and peaceful/safe campus environment that is sinequanon for learning and research. The objectives and hypotheses of the study revolve on the spate of extortion/phone hijack, cultists’ physical assault/maiming and cult murders on campuses as they impinge on safe learning on campuses. The population of the study is 119, comprising staff; Student Union Government Executives and campus security personnel of Delta State Polytechnic, Ogwashi-Uku. Frequency tables and percentages were used for data analysis while hypotheses of the study were tested with Chi Square (X2) at 0.05 significance level. It was found that desired serenity and safety of campuses are vitiated by cult activities ranging from extortion, intimidation, maiming to murder; among other vices; thereby inhibiting safe campus. It was recommended that well-armed and mobile anti-cult unit be established while orientation programme on nature and dangers of cultism be organized within the first week of resumption on campuses; among others.
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The paper examines the Civil Service Reform (CSR) agenda in The Gambia from 2008 – 2015. The study identifies the motives for the civil service reforms in the country during the study period. The paper reviewed theoretical concepts to provide context and clear understanding of terms and concepts used in the paper. CSRs have been undertaken across the world for various reasons. The civil service is an important machinery for the delivery of services to the citizenry and development of the society. Initial attempts on civil service reforms focused more on affordability in terms of the wage bill. This has been a key pillar of the Structural Adjustment Programmes of the 1980s. The focus has evolved to include performance management, capacity building, and improving service delivery. The paper employed desk review and documentary analysis as research method in analysing CSRs in The Gambia. The study reviewed CSR strategy 2008 – 2011 and the CSR programme 2012 – 2015 with a view to establishing the objectives of the reforms and the extent to which these objectives were achieved. As part of its efforts to reform the Gambian civil service and to control the wage bill, the government conducted a nationwide staff and/or payroll verification exercise to eliminate ghost workers and enhance the integrity of the payroll. However, this paper established that some of the key objectives of the civil service reform agenda have not been achieved. The objectives of improved pay and pension, control of the wage bill, the establishment of a performance management system and culture, and capacity building of key institutions have not been achieved.
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In the last years, the economic frauds have increased and diversified, the Ponzi schemes being one of them. This purpose of this paper is to highlights the main implications and reactions for the Ponzi schemes’ victims using a review method of books, articles and reports. The consequences of the Ponzi frauds on the victims are various, including financial, health and emotional aspects (depression, physical problems, and suicide attempts) and behavioural issues (self-blame, guilt and shame). Following a Ponzi scam, victims reported various reactions, including feelings of shame and guilt, while some tried to hide the they are victims to a fraud or to avoid the reporting to authorities. However, finding the types of effects and reactions of the victims may lead to awareness of existing risks and to a greater willingness of present and future victims to report these fraudulent acts.
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