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By applying the figure of a closed circle, the paper aims to interpret the phenomenon of palanka, elaborated by Radomir Konstatinovic in his book titled Philosophy of Palanka. One of the main goals of the nationalism of palanka is achieving completeness, inhibition, and rooting itself in the reality of an island/isolation, thus emphasizing uniqueness, chosen, and perfect nature. Through the prism of the Bible, it is often believed that a nation, chosen by God, should be the one to transfer the message to the rest of humanity. The God-chosen nature could refer to the fact the nation is bearing a universal, messianic message aimed at humanity in total - but it could also mean that the nation, perfect as it is, should not mingle with other nations, but live its circular reality of an island. Konstatinovic points out that a palanka is always somewhere between openness and inhibition, between city and country life. This does not imply that palanka does know its borders so that it could open up - but that it prefers distance, reservation, and residing in its perfection of a closed circle. Relying on the circle - this paper not only provides a new angle for reading the Philosophy of Palanka, but also strives to obtain new insight into the nationalism of palanka.
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The necessity to establish a culture of public policy at all levels of state organization in Bosnia and Herzegovina stems from the dissatisfactory position of culture in society, as well as its marginalization. This paper focuses on the creation of a cultural heritage policy. Cultural heritage policy was chosen due to the importance of cultural heritage for Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population but also because of a non-existent solution for the prevention of its decay, devastation, and looting. Cultural heritage policy may be defined as a systemic and planned attitude of the state and its authorities towards the sector of cultural heritage. There is a need to create a cultural heritage policy, as a public sector policy arises in a moment of increased interest among international and national organizations of culture for studying the phenomenon of heritage. The importance of heritage is further increased due to its connections with the economy and tourism. The paper emphasizes that the creation of cultural heritage policy is conditioned by the existence of state/parastate authorities for the sector, by passing the regulations to arrange the sector of cultural heritage, by determining the model for financing the sector, and by adopting strategic documents determining the guidelines for the development of the sector.
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This article theorizes and analyzes the process of government formation in multi-level settings. The post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is taken as a case study, as it represents an example of a multi-level and consociational political system and an ethnically divided and post-conflict society at the same time. Contrary to the theoretical findings arguing that congruence of ruling coalitions along different levels is desirable in multi-level settings, or where large coalitions in consociational arrangements are formed primarily for seat pooling due to the need to achieve a parliamentary majority, we argue that, in case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a grand coalition was formed based on electoral power between the moderate and hardline parties. Such strategies were not always compatible with aspirations for congruent coalitions, nor did they always strive for coalitions of convenience.
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Amir Karic's The Dictionary of Politics ambitiously contains around 300 wide range of terms, from the basic categories of political science, law, and other related scientific disciplines, to the terms used in colloquial speech. The terms have been arranged in alphabetical order, which indicates that the author has already presented the world of politics through political concepts defined as separate units, and not through relations between terms and conceptual clusters. The author's approach in defining most of the terms in The Dictionary of Politics is by defining them as separate entities/units, without consideration of their relation to other terms, and even less so, their consideration from the aspect of certain conceptual clusters and ideological doctrines. Therefore, the conception of the world of politics in The Dictionary of Politics by Prof. Karic, often looks blurred and unclear. It is a world of extracted separate particularities whose understanding is just guessed, without an internal connection between them that would form a more complete depiction of the world of politics. The main reason for deficiencies in definitions of fundamental concepts of politics by Prof. Amir Karic is that he overlooked the complex relations between the concepts of politics and political, or political, as the ontological assumption of politics. But it is necessary to say that the author did not even have such ambitions. The dictionary is exclusively the function of training students of political science, and other related scientific disciplines, for whom it is known that they do not yet possess the knowledge of the meanings of basic political, sociological, and legal terms, which would allow them to follow and comprehend lectures held by professor Karić. In this way, we have received a dictionary of an informative nature for the needs of elemental understanding of basic terms in lectures of political, and related sciences. As such, it can serve its planned purpose (elemental literacy of students to understand the world of politics), but it cannot represent the basis for understanding the foundations of political science.
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With the advent of the multi-party system in the Socialistic Republic of Macedonia, the IMRO party – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity appeared on the political stage. Just five months after its founding, the party achieved a significant result in the first parliamentary elections. The purpose of this article is the presentation of the First Congress of this national party where the program documents were approved and a framework for future policies guided. Considering the discussions of those present at the Congress, one can see that there were certain expectations from the party’s leadership regarding the approach to the Macedonian issue. As a rising political force, IMRODPMNU influenced the internal processes throughout the independence of the Republic of Macedonia. This paper is a contribution to the history of pluralism since the early 1990s.
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Part I of the article discusses legal and criminal issues connected with Art. 256 of the Penal Code, concerning mainly the crime of propagating totalitarian regimes — be it Nazi, fascist, or communist. The beginning of the presented text presents statistics of these types of illegal actions committed in Poland in the years 1999–2020, as well as the most frequently identified forms of aggravated offences under this article and the typology (classification) of the perpetrators. The actual extent of propagating and glorifying totalitarianism in Poland is exposed and then confronted with the applicable legal status based on the provisions of Art. 256 of the Penal Code. The article makes statements and compares two divergent ways of interpreting the terms included under the discussed law, i.e. “praise,” “propagate,” “totalitarian ideology,” and “totalitarian regime.” The considerations presented in the article are based on literature related to criminal law and political and law doctrines, as well as on the judicial decisions in the cases regarding acts referred to in Art. 256, § 1–2 of the Penal Code.
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Review of: Hikmet Karčić, Emir Suljagić, Sead Turčalo, Presretnuti razgovori: priprema za rat, Univerzitet u Sarajevu - Fakultet političkih nauka, Memorijalni centar Srebrenica, Sarajevo, 2022
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The totalitarian polity is basically one of coercion focused on executing a narrow and uncompromising ideological vision by means of mass terror. Setting up any kind of organization is not possible without the acceptance of the state and thus no grass-roots organizations can exist in a totalitarian state. In other words, any form of civil society (understood as both autonomous from the state and capable of generating social capital) is not possible under totalitarianism.
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Review of: Elvis Fejzić, Paradoski direktne demokratije: Volja naroda i referendumski populizam, Fakultet političkih nauka Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 2022
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The issue of the development of the political identity of the EU through establishing its common foreign policy mechanisms, are equally important since early days of the establishing of the Community, in the 50-ties, when Jean Monnet has announced the following vision: "Europe cannot be limited to steel and coal integration. Establishing of the Community, as the nucleus of the future federal state, will be without sense if it does not result in the real political authority." This essay is focused on the development and implementation of the common foreign policy of the Union, aimed at giving the overview of this issues in legal and historical context of the founding treaties. The basic concept is represented, i.e. to analyze the foreign-policy decision making capacity of the Union, in order to reach conclusions on the perspectives of the EU in view of its effectiveness. Depending on the institutional reform outcome, the EU international subjectivity is at stake, as well as political and economic considerations of the EU role as a global international actor. To what extent is really formed this kind of political authority today within the European Union and does it exist federal state under the auspices of the EU institutions, is certainly very challenging research matter, without definite answer to be found in the theory nor in the practice. This essay is dealing with finding the answers to the following questions: 1. Will the EU acquire the legal personality in the international law? 2. How flexible the EU unique institutional structure is, since it is based on the three pillars, seen from the standpoint of its reforming capacity aimed at improved foreign policy decision-making and functioning? Starting hypothesis is that the EU institutional reform process remains unavoidable instrument of integration deepening and creation of the political identity of the Union. Hence comes research challenge, but at the same time beauty of writing about this topic which is very live area and evolutionary in its nature. This is logical having in mind that the Union, being dynamic system, is in the process of attaining of its legal personality. More precisely, the EU stricto sensu is not a single international law subject, because the Communities are still withholding their legal personality. However, in the new EU Draft Constitutional Treaty, the establishment of the EU’s legal personality has been foreseen explicitly. Roots of obtaining the EU’s legal capacity and international subjectivity lay in the EU Treaty from Amsterdam and Nice, in the provisions on signing of international agreements, i.e. exactly in the sphere of EU foreign policy decision-making.. Nonetheless, making the new European architecture is not a one-way street. Parallel to the deepening process, there is also the European integration widening, through the EU enlargement happening these days, by inclusion of the ten new Member States from Central and Eastern Europe, since May 2004 (and also envisaging Bulgaria and Romania to accede the EU in the 2007). EU is characterized inter alia, by strong intergovernmental methods of Member States’ cooperation, especially in the foreign policy and defense field, as well as in the area of judicial criminal collaboration, immigration and asylum policy issues (third pillar). The research result is that the EU, being permanent negotiating system, is very featured by the process of constitutionalization, through reforming constitutional treaties into the new EU Constitutional Treaty. Draft Treaty on EU Constitution has envisaged the establishment of the position of the EU Minister of Foreign Policy in near future, after its ratification process. However, the dynamics and results of this process remain to be seen in the forthcoming period especially in the field of foreign policy EU capacity. It is to be concluded that there is no definite answer to the question on the legal nature of the Union, being the new entity in contemporary international relations and international law typology. However, Member States are constituent elements of the Union entity and therefore they dictate the EU reforms path and reforms pace, which is especially obvious in the field of EU common foreign policy legal and institutional frameworks. Crucial issue of the future EU development is, according to the author’s opinion, the capacity of the Union to bring effective decisions, which is relevant from the standpoint of the internal economic sustainable growth incentives and increase of employment potentials in the EU, but also seen from the aspect of EU foreign-policy activities.
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Every country attaches special importance to the organization of functions that enable its optimal development and survival in international relations. One of the most important state functions is the function of security. State (national) security, most often, is understood as the ability of a state to preserve its integrity and ensure the uninterrupted functioning of all its structures and sovereignly and to efficiently resolve political, economic, social and other issues necessary to ensure the survival and progressive development of individuals, society and state. In accordance with the phenomena that threaten the security of the state and society, as well as the opposition to these phenomena, the external and internal components of the state security system are distinguished.
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In this paper, we will present our views, partial analysis and our proposals for possible solutions for more effective spending of resources for the defense of the Republic of Serbia. We believe that this is a very important topic in the current situation, when all levels of decision-making and execution are looking at possible ways of saving, that is, of rationalizing the consumption of all resources. It is known that a large part of the resources of the defense system of each country, including ours, is related to the procurement of “something that may be needed someday.” This is precisely where the starting point lies for looking at and investigating the justification for the enormously high resources of a country’s defense system, or rather for equipping and arming with means of combat and non-combat techniques. It is a well-known fact that in the world, including our country, the consumption of defense funds increases every year, through the adoption of the budget of the Republic of Serbia and its rebalancing during one budget year. In this way, means for defense, i.e. expenses on that basis, reach extremely high values, while far more important areas of life such as education, health, social protection, science and others are neglected and relegated to the background. The latest research and data from this field show that our country, as well as Croatia, records the highest level of defense spending. Thus, for example, in the last few years there has been a large increase in funds for the defense system, as well as the police, while at the same time there has been a decrease in funds for education, health and social protection. The state, i.e. its bodies, face an extremely important task, to make appropriate decisions at this very sensitive moment, which, according to the current situation, will help to overcome the already evident crisis in all spheres of life and properly allocate and direct the available resources so that there are no major consequences for the economy of the country and the standard of living of citizens. It is necessary to carefully evaluate where we can spend more effectively, that is, where expenses can be reduced in order to compensate and direct the funds in the so-called “critical areas” and we know that these areas are currently energy, supply, agriculture and others.
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The article puts emphasis on the need of confronting some marxist concepts of the state with the challenge created and set out by some contemporary trends of social progress. Of these concepts the following subjects are of particular interest: first, the statement that a strong state forms a weak society and vice versa, as well as that a weak society presumes or needs a strong state; the second idea express an instrumental concept of the state, i.e. that the state is only an instrument in the hands of the ruling class; the third concept is of the withering away of the state in the postrevolutionary period of socialist society. In the opinion of the author, today not one of these concepts can be accepted without reserve. Historical experience shows that, apart from all wishes, societies that are economically and culturally stronger have a strong state — reality still does not confirm the expectations that the state weakens with the strengthening of society. The instrumental concept of the state today cannot totally explain the autonomy of state power in particular socialist countries, as it is obvious that the worker’s class in the sociological-structural sense is not the hegemon of society, even in cases where the ruling and governing strata acts in the direction of realising its short and long-term interests. The concept of the withening of the state in the cases where it is implemented in a way it does not take into account the construction of mechanisms of power limitation, while power as such exists, can create multiple negative consequences. The tuning of the political system according to some future aims and goals and not taking into account real needs of power limitation, can make harder the process of real democratization in practical political life. The author stresses the equal importance of the concept of transparency and limitation, as well as the idea of the withering away of the state today.
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The complexity of methodological questions of research of social ownership in Yugoslavia reflects in their great number, as well as their interdependence. Among them some should be particullarly emphasised: a) Interdependency of a number of notions and categories in use in the field of social ownership — with the categorical apparatus of Marx and Marxism. b) The need of notion and other opernalization of theoretical postulates of social ownership, so as to able to achieve their concretization, particularly when having in mind the positive legal problems and solutions. c) There is need to emphasis the forming of institutes of interest in the realization of social ownership through the positive legal system. d) The link and interdependency of social ownership and self-management are theoreticaly and practicaly beyond doubt, but there is an open question of specific dimensions of this interdependency, as well as an imperative notion distinction of these two phenomena of the same and undividable social relation. e) A specific methodological question is the expression of social ownership through various interests, various subjects and various acts. The general name for these question is the pluralism of contents of social ownership. Nevertheless, the problem of pluralism is not theoretically founded enough and even less elaborated. f) The protection of social ownership is multiple theoretically and practically urgent — particularly as the elaboration of the legal regime, the instruments and efficiancy of such a protection.
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This short essay deals with some particularities of the notion of interests, more precisely the status of interests in a socio (-political) entity. In this sense, the author tries to, starting from some features of interest relations and political ideas make objective the interests by means of abstract statements of the position of a social strata and concrete features of a changeable (or termed as changeable) political situation in which certain interest basis transforms into a articulated interest. In this way, the author tries to — more or less — eliminate from the interest analysis the subjective need — and is of the opinion that such an analysis cannot be consequent enough if it is based on the notion of interest as an „conscious need”. Finally, the author tries to point out another imperative basis of interest analysis — the general interest, on one side, as an interest formulation of a (contradictory) community, and on the other, as a general legitimation pattern.
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The Yugoslav federal state was created during the socialist revolution on the basis of a new relation between peoples — a revolutionary movement which in the people's liberalization uprising and revolution constitued into a federal structure and federal order. This was the marxist approach in the sense and form of a specific road of the Yugoslav revolution, the road and form of the creation of the new Yugoslav federal state. The act of self-determination in Yugoslavia was realized on the question of class struggle, on the solution of the question of power as the decisive question of the revolution. On that class basis of the struggle for power of the working people of Yugoslavia the revolutionary order as a federal order was established. Joining the Yugoslav revolution for the liberation from the occupiers, for the creation of the Yugoslav Federation, the Yugoslav peoples, with thier joining of the armed struggle, have realised the self-determination of liberation, when the people uprise and when they give this right to themselves. Tito’s vision of brotherhood and unity held deep within it the mutual link of the Yugoslav peoples in the Yugoslav-revolutionary federal order and revolution as a whole. The creation of every particular republic and province was, in effect, the condition and result of the Yugoslav federal phenomena, the result and content of the federal act of the Yugoslav Federation, and not some separate, isolated, alienated structure, which created and creates „itself”. The creation of our socialist republics and provinces was not for conserving of nations, but also for surpassing the contradictions among them, for thier getting together and uniting in the development of a democratic self-management order.
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Our society is faced with a multiple crisis: economic, political, ideological and moral. The goals, set up by the system, have not been realized, the system does not operate. There are some efforts to prevent the crisis by partial and uncoordinated measures, but without success. The essential cause of this crisis is the impossibility of fully realization of the socialistic self-management system, which is really ideal by itself, but it is impossible to apply it in so undeveloped society, as our society is. That is why the system cannot operate by itself, spontaneously, but requires the intervention of the state, and this has many unfavourable consequences. Therefore, the system should be brought closer to reality. In fact, this means that, more space should be left for the operating of economic necessities. At the same time, there is to develop a system of socialistic social values and a socialistic moral, as a berrier to the values and moral of the „consumers’ society”, because, although these factors cannot change the essential feature of the society which is determined by the level of its development, they can contribute to a certain degree, towards a more socialistic society than it is.
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In the inauguration lecture the author pointed out the key questions that influence the proper solution of the question of stronger ties of people's representatives with their electorate, as it is set in theory and is resolved in the practice of particular state. Further, the author has followed the process of solving these questions in our constitutional system from the first to the latest constitution. In this regard the author concludes that the question of the form of election of representatives, the prohibition of m- -election, cumulation of mandates and incompatibility, has been treated differently from one constitution to the other in the effort to bring into accordance the solution of these questions with the system of assembly power, which — since 1953, represents the basis of our representative system. In order to find adequate solutions, adopted to the developed assembly system, the solutions have been changed from one constitution to the other. Nevertheless, the process of change does not represent a continous line in the way of stricter limitations, but with regard to the experience in the application of these limitations has varied the degree of limitation from one constitution to the other. In the deliberations of these matters not only the political system has been taken into account, but also the self-management system in the economic organizations and self-management communities.
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