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This paper examines the transformation in Foucault’s conception of power that began in 1976 and concluded with his definition of power as action on the action of others in 1982. His 1976 lectures raise series of questions about the nature of power: what is power? How is it exercised? Is it ultimately a relation of force? Only some of these questions are answered in the course of these lectures. Foucault's answer to the question about the nature of power and the appropriate means to analyze it is not forthcoming until 'The Subject and Power' in 1982. I argue that the new definition of power offered reflects the discovery of governmentality in 1978 and the lectures on liberal and neoliberal governmentality that followed. I conclude with some remarks about the consequences of this new conception of power for Foucault's approach and for his analysis of neoliberal governmental power.
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The article criticizes the established thesis as to the non-material nature of contemporary capitalism. The author postulates the contrary thesis as to the financial nature of post-Fordism, which can be described as “non-productive” activity. The analysis is centered on Marx’s conception of general intellect, interpreted in terms of inalienable property. The logic of the development of the general intellect is described through the formula “General Intellect-General Intellect'”, which expresses the modern tendencies in the development of financial-cognitive capitalism, whereby knowledge becomes a new fetish, embodying the principle of self-increasing value.
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This paper examines toleration at two levels. At the first level, liberal individualism is concerned that the individual must be as free as possible to pursue their own goals and lifestyles. At the second level, liberal political theory is concerned with the value of liberal political culture and institutions and how to maintain and protect them. I argue that we can learn a great deal about the exercise of toleration and respect at the level of the liberal polity by examining them at the level of the liberal individual. Both tolerance and intolerance at the level of the polity must be principled. Principled tolerance and intolerance have the following features. First, the judgment whether to tolerate a particular belief or practice must be based on the value of toleration itself, not pragmatic political requirements. Second, it should be an issue of setting aside moral principles and convictions rather than dislikes, prejudices or fears. Third, it should respect the distinction between the public and the private, and should only recognise an issue as one of toleration if there is a public impact at stake.
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The limits of tolerance are discussed in this article with regard to the status of religious, ethnic, and national minorities in liberal-democratic societies. The question that the author is trying to answer is this: how can minority policies be designed in such a way that they provide the due conditions for the reproduction of minority identities over time which, at the same time, do not compromise national integrity. The line of demarcation between these two kinds of policy would also be the limit of tolerance, concerning the role of these identities in society. In the first part of the article a critical analysis is made of the policy of cultural neutrality of the state, based on the differentiation between the approaches to minority issues in the public and in the private life of the citizens. In the second part an alternative possible solution is presented―to draw the limits of tolerance by means of the legitimization of minority policies via public communication which is protected from manipulations by means of the methodology of public deliberation.
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This article is devoted to a key moment in the history of liberal ideology in Europe – the rejection of obsolete classical liberalism and the promotion of social liberalism as a functioning socio-economic system. The author discusses the decisive role of the Liberal Party and the contribution of the theoretical and practical models of John Maynard Keynes and William Beveridge to the transformation from laissez-faire to state interventionism. The author presents the Labor government’s measures for practical realization of the ideas of social justice, whereby the social-economic system referred to as the “universal welfare state” was promoted in Great Britain.
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The phenomenon of the Macedonian national liberation movement (the Macedonian issue in general) has occurred in a very specific historical, geopolitical, geostrategic, military - strategic and military-political context. The Macedonian movement has been forced to build its own authentic national, political and military strategy and specific armed forces in order to achieve its historic goal and to reach the pedestal named freedom. This study aims to give a clarification of all relevant factors in continuity in the context of the experience of the Paris Commune and the knowledge for "armed people." Undoubtedly, not only that the Macedonian experiences correspond with the experiences of "armed people" of the Paris Commune, but in many elements they even go beyond and enrich. Even though they occur in the same time period, they are historically independent, which confirms their originality. The experiences of the Macedonian national liberation movement, the concept of the military organization and the form of the insurgency, in great measure, enrich the theory of the armed people and the theory of the people's war in all dimensions and military - historical aspects. Instead of conclusion, we would like once again to emphasize the confirmed scientific and historical knowledge that the armed people have immense strength, vitality and they are non-destroyable. This has been confirmed by the continuity of the struggle of the Macedonian people throughout centuries.
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One of the oldest human activities is the trade of goods, services, money and other property values both within a country and abroad. Foreign trade business has an exceptional importance for socio-eco-nomic relations between countries. Each state independently regulates the trade of goods and services. However, no state economy is self-sufficient, so its need to join the international markets is quite justified. Through a mutual trade cooperation, states transfer the effects of the concluded agreements beyond their borders, and the need for the unification of certain norms is absolutely necessary, as well as the regulation of the issue of a breach of contractual obligation and compensation for damages as a consequence resulting from such a thing. Some countries have a fear of ratifying the international rules, because they think that the accepted solutions would be contrary to their national legislation. There is mentioned only one of the reasons for the states resistance, as well as the difficulties in achieving the unique acceptable solution. This paper analyzes the concept, the importance of foreign trade business for countries, then the rights and obligations of the contracting parties and the compensation for damage due to a breach of a contractual obligation by non-performance in the sales contract
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