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The paper indicates the role of military intervention in the concept of responsibility to protect and describes the conditions on which states (UN members) agreed and which must be fulfilled in order to use armed force in the name of R2P. It also points out cases in which the UN referred to R2P in order to justify military interventions (e.g., the cases of Libya and Syria).
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The author dwells on the concept of hospitality which has been replaced in our era by that of tolerance. The author introduces us to contemporary attitudes to the latter and points to its problematic nature, the counterpoint to which is the former. A description of changes in the understanding of hospitality is provided, ranging from antiquity, via the Enlightenment, to modern times, with references to Kant and Derrida. Besides this, he compares the differences and similarities between the concepts of tolerance and hospitality, suggesting that it is the latter which is useful when describing a globalised and cosmopolitical world, as well as positing that the concept of hospitality can be translated into the practices of human life.
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This article argues that the local government capacities and local government performance in Europe clearly rank this continent to the most developed world areas from the point of local democracy. The background factors explaining this situation have a multidimensional character and one can identify as core positive factors the relative economic wealth, high human development, the long historical tradition of the subsidiarity principle in most parts of Europe, and the regulatory function of the Council of Europe. The strong development of local and regional democracy in Europe is protected and based on the principles of European Charter of Local Self Government. However, this does not mean that everything is perfect in Europe and that there would be no challenges to be addressed. It is difficult to define clear common weaknesses of the local democracy in Europe. We need to mention the core structural challenges here, for instance the continuous discussion about amalgamation versus fragmentation. Most countries also indicate one overarching threat to the local democracy in Europe today, that is, the financial crisis, which significantly decreased the level of available financial resources for self-governments, while the structure of responsibilities remains the same or even increases. Another core threat visible in many European countries is the trend toward re-centralization or limited real will do continue with decentralization in, both in established and emerging democracies. Regional issues differ, and we mention especially the situation of post-communist countries, where local democracy does not have a long tradition and still needs to be revitalized.
More...Recenzja książki - Język polityków i jego patologie, pod redakcją Krzysztofa Łabędzia
Język polityków i jego patologie, pod redakcją Krzysztofa Łabędzia, Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2013, ss. 260 (The language of politicians and its pathologies), edited by Krzysztof Łabędź
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Romanian and Czech authorities are failing to ensure the safety of former uranium miners and other people exposed to contamination, an investigation claims.
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China’s ambitions for the region are reported to cause concern in Moscow that its diplomatic influence in an area once part of the Soviet Union may be receding.
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Odessa police searching for lawyer whose client and co-defendant may be swapped for Ukrainian pilot Nadia Savchenko.
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The article seeks to answer the question of whether, and if yes – to what extent, voters are guided by economic issues in their decisions about electoral participation (activity or passivity in the elections). The analysis of this question was carried out in the context of declared electoral behavior of the respondents in elections which took place in 2014, namely to the European Parliament and the Polish regional (voivodship) parliaments. Detailed analysis was aimed at verifying the sociodemographic variables that could significantly differentiate the subjective importance of the economic factor in decisions taken on electoral participation. These empirical considerations took into account variables such as sex, age, education, marital status, financial situation, professional status and place of residence.
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The institutions of direct democracy seem to be crucial for effective functioning of political system. The inclusion of citizens in decision-making process ensures that political representatives remain accountable throughout their term and must be responsive to the wishes of the voters. The empirical research conducted by the author proves that prevalent portion of electorate expects the introduction of recall and people’s veto to Polish law. The results of analysis confirm the high level of citizens’ support for institutions of direct democracy. This support is articulated by all groups of Polish electorate, regardless of party affiliation and ideological viewpoints.
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Mayor’s Instagram page highlights Almaty’s rapid response to municipal issues such as potholes, unlit streets.
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Mohsin Hamid’s novel The Reluctant Fundamentalist offers an interesting voice in the discussion about post‑9/ 11 America and shows how a successful immigrant story changes to a racially charged case of ethnic discrimination. Despite the fact that Hamid’s protagonist may believe in his successful assimilation into American culture, the general feeling of xenophobia that gripped American society in the wake of the 9/11 attacks forces him to re‑evaluate his position. His personal dilemma, oscillating between the desire for material affluence and ethnic loyalty, is presented in a broader context that depicts the world divided along financial and political lines. The conflicting pull between the economic interests lying in the West – represented by the U.S. and the subaltern position of less‑developed countries, such as Pakistan – becomes a source of anguish for the protagonist. This paper examines how the borders of conflict shift from public to personal, complicating the issue of identity for Muslim immigrants. The discourse of the war on terror is presented from the perspective of an Other, offering a counter‑narrative to the hegemonic narrative of Western culture.
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The paper presents the case for the thesis that Solomon Islands’ instability infringes on Australia’s interests. A combination of ineffective government, poverty and conflict destabilized the country and caused a civil war (1998‑2003). However, in the late 1990s, it was recognized that similar problems affect almost all of Australia’s neighbours. The result was the emergence of the concept of the Australian arc of instability. The main assumption is that states to the north (Indonesia, Timor‑Leste, Papua New Guinea) and north‑east (Solomon Islands, Vanuatu) of Australia can be characterized as fragile. Persistence of instability in Solomon Islands and other countries in the immediate neighbourhood poses several challenges to Australia’s interests: favourable environment for transnational crime to thrive, increased burden on forces responsible for border protection, danger for Australians living in unstable countries, damage to Australia’s role as Oceania’s leading power and missed opportunities for Australian businesses. Canberra has the following policy options: firstly, structuring the defence forces so they are capable of protecting vast approaches and conducting stabilization missions in Solomon Islands and other neighbouring countries. Secondly, addressing the underlining causes of instability through Australia’s foreign aid. Thirdly, encouraging and supporting initiatives which promote regional cooperation.
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Ukraine, as one of the states which became independent in 1991, can be perceived as an example of the typical transition of Soviet Socialist Republics into democratic states centered on the issue of nationalizing policies and processes. However, there are also differences which make this country a very interesting case study for investigation. Mainly, Russians here form the biggest national group concentrated in the East and South of the country. The persistence and reuse of the “myth of two Ukraines” led to the widespread conclusion that Ukraine is a country which is divided between Ukrainophone West and Russophone East. This article is focuses on the third group, which is somehow hidden in the mainstream linguistic debates, namely the Russian-speaking citizens of Ukraine who define themselves as ethnic Ukrainians. Based on the examples of Donbas and Crimean regions, it tries to define whether one can perceive them as a national minority.
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The article deals with some security aspects and their influence on the defense resources of the Slovak Republic. The contribution it brings lies in the comparison between the defenses resources of the last years and their increase over the years.It shows a positive trend in terms of the modernization of equipment, weapons,technology and weapons systems of the Armed Forces of the Slovak Republic.
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This Article should answer questions related to the practical application of the Electoral Code solutions related to the electoral system to the constitutive organs of the com-munes. The basic idea is whether the majority system significantly changed the composi-tion of these organs in those communes of over 20,000 inhabitants, as well as the effects of the modifications brought about in shaping constituencies in cities with county rights. The research was carried out on the example of the twenty communes of the Pomeranian Voivodship. The results can hardly be considered optimistic. The use of single-seat constituencies made worse the representativeness of organs which, to a large extent, lead to over-representation of the strongest political or local groups in the various communes. The system also did not lead to an increase in the number of independent councillors. The situation in the councils of cities with county rights remained almost the same. In-troducing the possibility of creating larger constituencies was not reflected in practice. All cities have maintained the current size of the constituencies, which in combination with the d'Hondt method, eliminated the representatives of smaller electoral committees from the composition of councils or marginalized the position of those representatives.
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The main goal of the article is to answer the question about the role of direct de-mocracy in Swiss Cantons. The author in her considerations concentrates on such institu-tions as: cantonal referendum, cantonal popular initiatives and popular assembly (Landsgemeinde). The questions that were posed in this article were the following: how do the direct democratic institutions work in the Swiss Confederation? What kind of changes are taking place when it comes to cantonal forms of direct democracy? What is the role of Landsgemeinde and how does it function in practice? In the research process several research methods have been used by the author. They were: institutional-legal analysis that helped to study the legal acts on direct demo-cratic forms in Swiss cantons; quantitative analysis – basing on statistical data it was possible to evaluate the use of direct democratic forms of civic involvement. Also partic-ipative observation and individual interviews were very helpful in the research process – they were used during the author’s stays in Switzerland, where she was able to observe both Landsgemeinde – in 2013 in Appenzell Innerhoden and in 2014 in Glarus.
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The article indicates a common axiom of Karol Wojtyła's personalistic philosophy and theory of development: human dignity is the highest value in the natural world. The author analyzes the content of the encyclical – Laborem Exercens, Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, Centesimus Annus in the context of personological economic theory by Professor Franciszek Piontek. Studies on the category of dignity and development prove the connection between human welfare and sustainable economic development. This study argues that sustainable development cannot disregard economic efficiency and it should not be made only on the basis of price and market mechanism. Sustainable development of contemporary civilization depends on an aggregate: economic, natural and human capital.
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