Transitions Online_Politics-Will the Real Volodymyr Zelenskiy Now Stand Up
Does new information about the genesis of his TV show reveal that the favorite in Ukraine’s presidential election has a hitherto unsuspected genius for politics?
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Does new information about the genesis of his TV show reveal that the favorite in Ukraine’s presidential election has a hitherto unsuspected genius for politics?
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The aim of the article is to analyze populism in relation to its political innovations. The idea is that, if national-populism marks such an impressive rise, it is because it is a carrier, author and driver of main political innovations. The three perspectives in which populism innovates are communications, symbolic politics, post-democracy. The innovation is captured analytically – through concrete political changes, instead of normative ones – as positive political changes. Populism is also a reaction, and an expression of „post-democracy” (Crouch) – the gradual transformation of democratic institutions in empty shells. The neo-liberal globalization and economization of societies shift the energy and innovative engine from the democratic arena to closed politico-economical circles. The far-right populism, on one side furiously criticizes the post-democratic loss of democratic content, and on the other additionally continues to erode it.
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Populism as a phenomenon of modern society is fueled by a number of factors – the „rebellion of the masses“, the communication revolution, the globalization and the simultaneous polarization of the world. All of this in turn creates huge and expanding space for ideological substitutes.The author defines populism as a characteristic of political behavior that short- ens the gap between „politicians” and „the people” by eliminating the elite and uncritically accepting mass demands, attitudes and stereotypes. In populism, priority is given to short-term effects as a basis for policy decisions, as well as simplified, one-sided „views” of long-term problems. Populism is a double rejection of the elite – as a privileged social group and as a carrier of specific knowledge.Two types of populism are defined. The first one is tactical, where in a political platform or in a specific political action mass expectations are imposed in order to provide a rating effect. The second one is strategic (positive and negative), where rating decisions are not the „garnish", but the principle, the structure defining factor.The author seeks to answer the questions whether populism is only political stylistics or is it a political ideology and what its historical perspective is.
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The main thesis of the text is that populist actors often voice legitimate critiques of the ruling elites in liberal democracies. The alternatives they offer, however, are worse than the illness they claim to cure. There is some merit in their central critique – the global meritocratic elites have betrayed their respective people, as the governing elites in liberal democracies are often too distant from the citizens who elected them to govern. The alternative that the above mentioned critics offer – nationally responsible leadership, claiming to be the unique voice of the authentic will and interests of the people – sounds attractive. Yet it is not credible and moreover, undermines political pluralism – the fundamental presupposition of a well-working liberal democracy. The better alternative, it is argued in the text, are responsive to their citizens, meritocratic pluralistic governing elites.
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The article considers populism as a democratic element, not as a phenomenon outside of modern democracy. The arguments of the critics of populism remain on the same rational ground as the populist ideas because they imply a clear and undeniable distinction between the elites and the masses, between the lead- ers and the governed, between the professionals and the ordinary people. The suggestion made is that national populism should not be identified as populism because it is anti-democratic, but as a manifestation of primordial-fascism.
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The culture of jokes, bullshit and parody has invaded the political scene thanks to the digital turn. Ridiculing power is no longer folklore, it seems to have become an integral part of high culture; the ruling elites themselves eagerly make fun of them- selves. We are used to think of satire as an arm of the citizens against power, but could it be that it lulls their vigilance and transforms them into passive observers?
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Savo Pešić ‒ Dušan Dragosavac, Nacionalno i internacionalno. Centar za kulturnu djelatnost SSO Zagreba, Zagreb 1978.; Zvonko Lerotić ‒ Hugh Seton, Watson, Nations and States - An Inquiry into Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism. Methuen. London. 1977.; Savo Pešić ‒ Veljko Cvjetičanin, Marksistička teorija društva. Stvarnost, Zagreb 1977.; Štefica Deren-Antoljak ‒ Kenneth T. Palmer, State Politics in the United States. St. Martin's Press New York, 1977.; Đurđica Podunajec ‒ W. A. Harriman, E. Abel, Specijalni poslanik kod Churcilla i Staljina. Globus, Zagreb; Radovan Vukadinović ‒ Leonard Mosley, Dulles - A biography of Eleanor, Allen and J. F. Dulles and their family network. London 1977.
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Svaki student prava već na prvom koraku u pravni studij sretne se sa teorijama o jedinstvu i podjeli vlasti. Veza s tim teorijama pojavljuje se gotovo svaki put kad se razmatraju pitanja organizacije vrhovne vlasti u državi.
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Dr Ivan Jelić, Komunisti i revolucija; Drago Buvač, Sovjetska alternativa; Edvard Kardelj, Značaj marksističke literature za teoriju i praksu socijalističkog samoupravljanja; Prof. dr Nedeljko Rendulić, Dohodak i dohodovni odnosi; Zapadna Evropa i socijalizam; L'Egypte de Sadate a la recherche de sa voie, Časopis "Problemes politiques et sociaux" od 31. ožujka 1978, br. 333; M. J. C. Vile, Politics in the USA; Herbert Markuze, Merila Vremena; K. H. Volkmann-Schluck, Politička filozofija
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Sigurnost i suradanja u Evropi - problemi i perspektive nakon Beograda; A. N. Kaljadin, Eliminirati atomsko oružje iz međunarodnih odnosa; F. M. Burlackij, Politčeskaja sistema razvitogo socializma; John Ellis, Kratka povijest partizanskog ratovanja; Razoružanje - problem savremenog sveta; Daniel Bučan, Realistički nacionalizam Ibn Halduna
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Fakultet političkih nauka u Zagrebu postoji već petnaest godina. Teško je precizno odrediti sav opseg utjecaja što ga je taj fakultet izvršio u svojoj sredini prvenstveno svojim odgojno-obrazovnim i znanstvenim djelovanjem, te propagiranjem politologije u užim sveučilišnim i širim društvenim okvirima. Nema sumnje da je taj utjecaj velik i značajan, no ovdje nije mjesto da se o tome izvještava.
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Platonovu politiku možemo pojmiti samo u povezanosti čovjeka, polisa i kosmosa. Politika nije za Platona znanost koja obrađuje saino jedno posebno područje ljudskog djelovanja, ona se ne bavi samo normama kao praktičnim ciljevima djelovanja, nego ona zahtijeva da norme zajednice budu izvedene iz biti ljudske duše i da odgovaraju gradnji cjeline svemira.
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Brüssel, 10. oktobra 1847. (...) Prirodno, sada se radnicima, koji više ne žele gledati kako gospoda buržuji iskorištavaju njihov rad kao robu, nametnulo pitanje: »Budući da ni sistem zaštitne carine niti sistem slobodne trgovine nisu radniku od trajne koristi, budući da su oba sistema za nj štaviše izuzetno pogubna i da naposljetku dovode nužno do proleterske revolucije, pita se: koje mjere treba da poduzmu proleteri pošto oborivši vladajuću klasu osvoje političku vlast?«
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Mozes Hes (Moses Hess) je jedan od prvih teoretičara socijalizma u Nemačkoj, ali su ipak njegovo delo i naročito njegov odnos prema Marksu ostali zadugo malo poznati i nedovoljno proučeni. Poslednjih godina, međutim, inleresovanje za Hesa je u znatnom porastu.
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Edvard Kardelj, SKJ u revolucionarnoj akciji; Pierre Dockes, Internacionala kapitala; Socijalizam i američke vrijednosti; Svjetsko naoružanje i razoružanje - World Armaments and Disarmament; Dr Branimir M. Janković, Teorija i stvarnost u nauci o međunarodnim odnosima; France Vreg, Društveno komuniciranje
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Organiziranje i početak izvođenja nastave postdiplomskog studija iz Općenarodne odbrane na Fakultetu političkih nauka Sveučilišta u Zagrebu zgodna je prilika da se, ukratko, nešto kaže o nastavi predmeta »Osnove opće narodne obrane SFRJ na drugom stupnju, o obrazovanju i pripremi studentske omladine iz područja općenarodne obrane na fakultetima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.
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Prije nego što su ljudi počeli na zemlji živjeti sasvim društvenim životom, jednako su bili gospodari svih dobara kojima ih je priroda bogato obasipala.
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Gerard Chaliand, Revolucionarni mitovi trećeg svijeta; Fikreta Jelić-Butić, Povijesna analiza ustaškog terora i nacionalne izdaje; Simone Courteix, Televizija bez granica; Roland Cayrol, Pisana i audiovizuelna štampa; Ferdinand Lundberg, Bogati i najbogatiji, Studija o moći novca danas (O pravim vladarima Sjedinjenih Američkih Država); Bogdan Osolnik (ur.), Problem manjina u jugoslavensko-austrijskim odnosima; Čedomir Vučković, Nesvrstanost u misli i delu Tita; J. I. Coffey, Arms Control and European Security: A guide to East-West Negotiations.
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Radovan Vukadinović, Američko-sovjetski odnosi 1917-1976.; dr Adolf Dragičević, Pristup političkoj ekonomiji; Društvene klase, nacija i socijalizam; Dr Fuad Muhić, SKJ i kulturno stvaralaštvo; Evropska sigurnost i suradnja: pretpostavke, problemi, perspektive; Jugoslavija i evorpska bezbednost i saradnja; Technologie und Politik.
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Moderni svijet obilježen je pojavom nihilizma, koji ne određuje samo evropsko kulturno nasljeđe, nego se poput drugih tipičnih evropskih pojava širi na cio svijet. Ako nihilizam ne shvatimo kao nazor na svijet, nego kao temeljno kretanje suvremene povijesti — kao što reče Heidegger — tada se postavlja pitauje što se zbiva s biti čovjeka u takvom nihilističkom kretanju suvremenosti.
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