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Silence of apolitical intellectuals in public space worries me. Because, if needed, someone has to twitch Romanian society! This is the role of intellectuals (people with higher education) outside politics. Many of them see their professional activities, preferring not publicly express opinions about social-economic problems of general interest. When it happened to have reactions, especially critical, definitely they are challenged by journalists. Unfortunately, in election campaigns are not organized public debates to be invited politically independent specialists. Active politicians not assume the risk of confrontation of ideas with them, in order not to jeopardize the election victory. Instead, between elections appear - from civil society - criticism, trade-union movements and spontaneous protests against measures taken by the elected representatives of the people. That is why silence or absence of politically independent intellectuals, in public space, emphasize the formality of electoral debates and restrain Romanian democracy.
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The purpose of this article is to analyse the concept of good governance in the context of the implementation of the Europe 2020 Strategy. The analysis of the application of “good governance” in the implementation of the EU individual policies shows that it is an issue to which an important role from the point of view of grouping as a whole is assigned. As the crisis in the EU deepens, it becomes increasingly important. Meanwhile, the analysis of the state of “good governance” implementation in the aspect proposed by the EU indicates that the appropriate role was assigned to “good governance” at the level of strategic documents. The situation is different when it comes to the relation between “good governance” concept and its implementation in practice. It concerns not only the EU as a whole but also the individual countries such as Poland. Here, progress is mainly dependent on whether the implementation of a particular policy which is characterised by the relevant priorities and principles brings tangible benefits for national interests.
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The paper aims at analyzing of the foreign policy through the so called presidential doctrines after 11th September of 2001. Tremendous change in the viewing of the international security threats, influenced resolutely the political ideologies in the United States. Changed view of multiple issues important for the internal security leads to the conclusion, that new kind of international security policy came into being after those terroristic attacks. Such classification allows to send clear message to the recipients of those doctrines, that the stabilization and security are the basis for a new creation of international relations.
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Over the centuries, difficult living conditions in Greece contributed to the development of the client‑patron system as a way of providing subsistence for the generally poor population. Following the establishment of the independent Greek state in 1830, clientelism was absorbed into the nation’s political life. Greek political leadership in the 2nd half of the 20th century remained under the pressure of this time‑honored heritage. The state’s social role was regarded as a priority for the Greeks by both the right of Konstantinos Karamanlis and the left of Andreas Papandreou. The leaders did not break away from clientelism even in the context of the stabilization of democracy after 1950. Quite the contrary, they developed it by transforming former clientelist relations into the system of sociopolitical control over the state, with the political parties and their administrative apparatus becoming the principal instrument for exercising this control. As a result, partisan clientelism emerged with electorates as its beneficiaries. Their attention focused on the perfecting of the system to which the state and national economy would eventually fall victim. In the later 1990s, with the deaths of K. Karamanlis and A. Papandreou, the time of charismatic leadership in Greek politics came to an end but the system they created has continued.
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The purpose of this article is an attempt to show from the perspective of the 12 years that have passed since Polish accession to the European Union, the pros and cons of our membership in this unprecedented European project, and the analysis of the importance of this fact for the Polish domestic and foreign policy. Furthermore, the article shows the current threats the Union is facing and against this background presents new challenges and tasks for the Polish integration policy. The main thesis of the article is the observation that the Polish accession to the EU has been and is still one of the most important events in recent Polish history and success of its international policy. She became almost a turning point in Polish domestic and foreign policy. Poland thanks to the accession to the EU has strengthened its position in Europe and in the world, but today we must develop a new strategy and to establish further tasks and goals for the Polish integration policy, which should be adequate for the rapidly changing international reality.
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Year 1988 saw the beginning of the political emancipation of Latvia and Estonia. Both republics declared that the decisions about their incorporation in the Soviet Union – taken by their respective parliaments in 1940 – were illegal, and therefore null and void. Both countries took advantage of the freedoms gained as a result of Mikhail Gorbachev’s political reforms, and obtained international support for their independence aspirations. Poland found itself in a tricky situation. On the one hand, it supported Latvia and Estonia’s endeavours, but on the other hand, it advocated the territorial integrity of the USSR. Minister of Foreign Affairs Krzysztof Skubiszewski defined the policy towards the former Soviet republics as a policy of adaptation to the progressing „pluralism” within the Soviet Union (so‑called ‘dual‑track policy’). Poland maintained interministerial contacts with the Baltic republics, accepted their delegations, supported their gradual emergence in the international arena as individual entities, even though within the framework of the Soviet delegation. However, Polish officials avoided actions that could be regarded as formal recognition of the Baltic states’ independence. Given the restrictions that tied up the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it was the delegates and senators from the CPC club that performed a significant role in the Polish diplomatic efforts. Their visits to the Baltic republics, seen as part of interparliamentary contacts, encouraged trust in the mutual relations and contributed to the promotion of the Polish dual‑track policy. Once the independence of the Baltic states was officially recognised by the Soviet Union, Poland resumed the relations with Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia.
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This article is a brief summary of the role of subsidiarity (Polish Aid) in the process of telecommunications regulatory changes implemented in Georgia and Ukraine during 2005‑2012 years. It is characteristics of the aid granted in the framework of development for mentioned recipients for aid. It discusses the technical assistance granted under performed by the Office of Electronic Communications projects. Attention is paid to the factors that determine development activities, among which are m.in: limited effectiveness of current activities, the democratization of international relations and globalization. It was noted that development cooperation should take into account the demand, „recipient” and not focus only on offer „donor” of that assistance. Furthermore, this assistance should take into account the specific political and economic situation of the recipient country.
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After the London bombings in July 2005, the concern of terrorism scholars and policy makers has turned to “home-grown” terrorism and potential for political violence from within the states. “Radicalization” became a new buzzword. This article follows a number of reviews of the literature on radicalization and offers another angle for looking at this research. First, it discusses the term“radicalization” and suggests the use of the following definition of radicalization as a process by which a person adopts belief systems which justify the use of violence to effect social change and comes to actively support as well as employ violent means for political purposes. Next, it proposes to see the theories of radicalization focusing on the individual and the two dimensions of his/her motivation: whether that motivation is internal or external and whether it is due to personal choice or either internal (due to some psychological traits) or external compulsion. Though not all theories fall neatly within these categories, they make it possible to make comparisons of contributions from a variety of different areas thus reflecting on the interdisciplinary nature of the study of terrorism in general and radicalization as a part of it.
More...AN ANALYSIS OF CONTEMPORARY RADICAL PARTIES IN EUROPE
The paper provides a comprehensive overview of European radical parties. The main aim of this paper is to examine whether there are common patterns regarding these parties, and to analyse the implications of this phenomenon. In order to achieve the above, the paper proceeds as follows: Firstly, the phenomenon of political radicalisation in contemporary Europe is explored. This leads to mapping the radical political landscape in Europe. Finally, the paper concludes with the analysis of the possible outcomes of radicalisation of European politics including the possible societal effects. By doing so the paper argues that a fresh theoretical approach to comprehend the phenomenon is necessary.
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It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.
More...THE CASE OF SERBIA
Political extremism (and particularly right wing political extremism) remains relatively insufficiently explored due to the fact that the phenomenon is controversial and hard to define. Its ambiguity and variability depending on time and spatial point of view further complicates its definition. Its structure is amorphous and eclectic as it often includes elements from different ideologies and connects incompatible ideas. A multidimensional conceptualization and an interdisciplinary approach - sociological, social, psychological and historical, are the Author’s tools in explaining the phenomenon of political extremism in Serbia, hopefully contributing to its clarification and laying a foundation for its furtherexplanatory theoretical studies.
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This paper explains various strategies of contemporary Islamists extremism in Europe. The author identifies the most important variants of Islamist extremism and deals with their goals and with strategic approaches how to achieve these goals. Quasi-legalist strategies as well as violent forms of interest-empowerment are described. The author uses sources from various Islamist organizations and analyses these materials within the framework of modern insurgency. A comprehensive outlook and threat assessment of Islamist extremist strategies are included in this article.
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Forecasts predicting the reunification of the Korean Peninsula were common throughout the 1990s. Since then, enthusiasm for such predictions has dampened,and though the fundamental assumption of reunification remains, predictions of when and how this will happen have been more restrained. Reunification leaves two unresolved yet interdependent issues: reunification itself, which is the urgent challenge; and the strategic issues that emerge from reunification, which have the potential to fundamentally transform strategic relations in the region of Northeast Asia. Within this context, this paper examines the prospects of Korean reunification against the background of the interstate relations. Initially, it will establish the framework from which such scenarios will emerge: the historical background of the division, the extreme differences between the two states, the role played by the North Korean nuclear threats and the impact of the September 11, 2001 on the interstate relations, and finally general situation and relations in the East Asian region. Then, three possible scenarios of the unification will be developed: through peaceful integration, through the fall of North Korea or through a war. Summing up, even the death of Kim Jong Il will not bring change in the domestic and foreign policy of North Korea which is going to continue an aggressive approach toward the South. In the short-term reunification is definitely not in the interest of the current ROK administration, and the South has no intention of encouraging it. None of the considered scenarios envisions early reunification, and it seems that for the future, the status quo on the Korean Peninsula will remain.
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In the decade since Al-Qaeda, led by the late Osama Bin Laden, attacked America, there has been a resurgence in the debate about the relationship between religion and politics. The global Islamic terrorist networks and their successful operations against various targets around the globe increasingly draw attention to what constitutes the core values of Islamic extremism: the logic of evangelistic strategy, the import and relevance of its spiritual message and consideration of the composite view of life that does not distinguish between sacred and temporal mandates. Suspicions have been fuelled that Islam is incompatible with modern democratic systems and pluralist outlooks. The real cause of Islamic militancy is at once universal and particular. The Nigerian experience of this radical Islamism–Boko Haram–brings home the once “distant” threat to global peaceful co-existence. While there exist arguments regarding the raison d’etre and means or methods of the operations of Boko Haram, the end has been normative; to achieve a purely religious nationalistic system on the basis of the sharia code of ethics. This paper, therefore, critically analyses the historical and philosophical interpretations of Islamic history constructed as an infallible corpus, and how it has been impacted by the democratic vision in Nigeria. It concludes with a consideration of the possibility and practicability of a liberal system at once free and religious in a pluralist and global society.
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