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The aim of this article is to propose an analytical framework of the EU as a laboratory of paradiplomacy in context of international and domestic determinants of the regions’ foreign activities. The article shades some light on the definitions of paradyplomacy, which allow to understand the ambiguity of the status of regions in international relations. Firstly, the dimensions and types of paradiplomacy are identified. Secondly, the discourse concerning international and domestic determinants of international engagement of regional governments is identified. Then, the framework of the EU as a laboratory of paradiplomacy is explained in the three subsequent parts. Firstly, the EU is referred to as an intermestic determinant of paradiplomacy, what results from the specific nature of the EU that corresponds with the international and domestic determinants of paradiplomacy in general. Secondly, the EU is addressed as an arena of paradiplomacy where various patterns of regional governments’ presence in Brussels are tested. Finally, paradiplomacy in the EU is addressed as a scholarly challenge for the further research.
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The purpose of the article is to try to outline whether the EU is still an attractive actor in internationalrelations, which is conceptualised as a specific soft, normative and the same transformative powerand the centre of attraction for states located outside this organisation. The credibility of the European Union on international arena was undermined by global changes taking place in the 21st century,including emergence of new non-European powers, and particularly a series of crises (financial,migration, identity) that have affected the EU recently. In the article the following analysis will bemade: the basic components consisting of attractiveness of the EU and evolution of its perceptionon the international arena, and the main challenges that the EU has to cope with in order to becomea significant power again. It is assumed that the European Union certainly lost its attractiveness andprestige as a result of recent transformations that affected it within the system, but also due to thedynamics of the international environment.
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The article explores the potential for new research into issues of state non-conformity as a result ofincreasing euro-skepticism in Europe. Relying on the Polish example, it suggests that a new attitudetowards the EU has arisen which escapes traditional classifications and warrants a rethinking ofestablished theories on sources of non-compliance. This attitude gives new context to the Commission’s existing enforcement practice and calls for a fresh look at its compliance instruments not onlywith respect to infringement cases but also in its dispute with Poland over the rule of law principlewhere the conduct of both parties seems to be symptomatic of their more general approaches.
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The objective of this article is to identify, analyse and assess the European Union (EU) and NATO’sroles in international disaster response operations. The article adopts a broad approach and dealswith mechanisms that could apply to so-called “natural” and “man-made” disasters. It considersinstruments that may contribute to fulfil the rights of people stricken by disasters in Europe andbeyond. The use of NATO’s disaster response capabilities has drawn limited attention in scientificliterature so far. The main hypothesis stipulates that NATO provides added value in internationaldisaster response in relation to the United Nations (UN) and EU actions. NATO with its transatlanticdimension and its military capabilities can assist when a stricken nation, its neighbours and/or otherinternational organization(s) capacity or measures cannot cope with the potential negative consequences of a natural or man-made disaster. However, EU and/or NATO disaster response actions donot substitute a stricken country actions but complements their efforts in this area.
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The European financial and economic crisis made Germany a leader trying to introduce the principles of order to the Economic and Monetary Union in line with the ideas of German governancepolicy (Ordnungspolitik), which is explained by ordoliberalism. However, there is strong relativismvisible in constructing European reality, resulting from the fact that the adopted ordoliberal assumptions do not fit into the macroeconomic, diversified space of the eurozone, and, what is more,cannot be implemented during the recession, because their effectiveness is determined by thelong-term perspective and national identity. Moreover, the role of the leader does not comply withthe principles of Ordnungspolitik. On the other hand, the partnership with France, which is necessaryto maintain stability of the eurozone, causes a move away from the conceptual assumptions ofordoliberalism. The aim of the article is to draw attention to Germany’s ambivalence in solving theeconomic problems of EMU, as well as to show ambivalent attitude of other Member States towardsGermany.
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The author aims to investigate the position of OLAF in the multi-level governance system (MLG) ofthe European Union with specific inter-institutional consequences of such location, assuming thatOLAF is not a classical supranational institution. In the research subject an important role is playedby the European Commission (EC), which established OLAF and gave it specific competences to act.These facts are fundamentally important for further considerations, so they can have a major impacton the precise determination of OLAF’s position in the MLG. If OLAF as an agent and supervisorhas control powers over supranational institutions, including its principal, a supranational EuropeanCommission, it is unlikely that it would also be a supranational institution. This article demonstrates,that OLAF is not a classic supranational institution because it exhibits strong features of a supra--supranational institution operating in a multi-level EU governance system. A helpful theoretical andmethodological research tools we consider the Principal/Agent Theory (PAT) and its combinationPrincipal/Supervisor/Agent Theory (PSAT) on the one hand, and the concept of multi-level governance (MLG) on the other hand.
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The foundations and the operating framework of the institutions of the European Union and itsMember States are determined by legal acts established at the EU level. The legal bases at theEU level contain key standards in the scope of protection of the financial interests of the EuropeanUnion and are the main determinants for the individual EU countries when their legal institutionscreate legal bases at the national level. The aim of this article is to present the main legal basis forthe protection of the financial interests of the European Union at the EU level, which will help toexamine the impact of these provisions on detecting irregularities and fraud in the EU.
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One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition betweenthe European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post--Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginningof the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian EconomicUnion (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the newlevel, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. Themost obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on theone hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it pavedthe way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed tobring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in thelatent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between theintegration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existingmembers of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” ofthe “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can leadto the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequences.
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The aim of this paper is to follow and analyse the public discourse on religious minorities in Turkeyafter the failed coup d’état of 15th July 2016. However either Turkish state’s policy or social attitudestowards these groups have always been controversial and their real position has always differedfrom their legal status, the author decided to put a hypothesis that the coup attempt is indeed whathas significantly affected the way they are being perceived by mass media in Turkey and hence,by Turkish public opinion. Thus, the purpose of this analysis is to study the chosen media contentconcerning religious minorities and to answer the question how the post-coup reality affects the situation of persons belonging to these groups. In order to achieve this goal several research methodsspecific for political science and humanities are applied and Polish, English and Turkish languagesources are widely referred in the article.
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Hate speech has become a key element of contemporary political discourse. It has also changedthe very structure of communication. With the access to public sphere provided by social media,hate speech engages people in connective action, which allows it to construct and deconstructcollective identity. By doing this, hate speech undermines the idea of multicultural society. In orderto succeed, such a society needs to engage its members in inclusive intercultural dialogue whilehate speech strongly excludes all dissident voices, deepening political polarisation. This articlepresents an extensive analysis of hate speech from the perspective of intercultural communication.Drawing from available research and literature, the author puts forward the thesis that hate speechis a communicative phenomenon that not only disrupts intercultural dialogue, but also leads to thedisintegration of multicultural society
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This article elaborates the influence of sports and music on the diplomatic position of Kosovo.Despite being a new country and struggling with political recognition and diplomatic relations,Kosovo has gained popularity through the global success of its citizens in sports and music.An analysis of international media has shown that there is a significant correlation between thesuccess of individuals in changing diplomatic approaches towards Kosovo and redefinitionof constraints towards its citizens. Moreover, the image of a country built through success stories ofindividuals has a significant effect on the general international public and has changed the negativeperception of the country. Kosovo here is used as an example to illustrate how sports and culturaldiplomacy have been more successful than classical diplomacy
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The article describes the features of the 4.0 economy which are linked to the so-called ‘cancer stage capitalism’, and which influence the directions of development of European industrial relations. This extensive research area has been reduced to those elements of transformations associated with the progress of the 4.0 economy that undermine or invalidate the existing ‘regimes’, developed so far in the framework of certain ‘matters’, including public affairs, industrial relations and social dialogue.
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The aim of this article is to reconstruct links between Union’s legislative power and foreign policyof the European Union. Presented analysis focuses on legal aspects of that issue. The hypothesis ofthe article assumes that even though the range of legal links between EU’s legislative institutionsand the realm of Union’s foreign policy is wide, these institutions within the policy in question onlyto a limited extent perform legislative function as defined by treaties and understood as law-making in accordance with particular (marked with certain standard of transparency and democraticlegitimization) treaty procedure. The verification of this hypothesis is based on a dogmatic-legalmethod and requires the analysis concerning the nature of Union’s foreign policy, the identificationof Union’s legislative institutions (organs) and functions and the legal links between them and theUnion’s foreign policy.
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The article presents the outcomes of the research concerned the issue of the European Union’s foreign economic policy, as well as its models and instruments. The EU applies various approaches inrelations with third countries, that is determined by differences in aims it intends to achieve in everyspecific case. The EU acquis constitutes only general framework of the European Union’s foreigneconomic policy, that results in disorderliness and incoherence of European Union in relations withthird countries. The Author identified key determinants, that actually shape current models of theEuropean Union’s foreign economic policy towards various groups of states. Significant problemsand failures have been found. Analysis carried out in the article leads to the conclusion that currentmodels and instruments of foreign economic policy, used by the EU, are not sufficiently efficient and often do not allow to meet new challenges effectively. New approaches and solutions have beenproposed by the Author can help to improve the foreign economic policy of the EU and to adjust itto the contemporary global challenges.
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Russian intervention in Donbas and annexation of Crimea have triggered a fundamental revision ofthe EU policy towards Easter neighbourhood and Russia. The main goal of this paper is to developdiscussion about the EU strategy towards Russia by presenting political concept named “The Giedroyc doctrine”, created by Polish intellectuals on exile, when Poland was under Soviet domination.Although created a few decades ago, some elements of this doctrine are still surprisingly relevanttoday and may contribute to contemporary European debate. In particular, we argue that strengthening the prosperity, stability and security in Eastern Europe is possible only when Russia transformsitself into a prosperous and democratic state. Autocratic and neo-imperial Russia undermines anymajor pro-Western political changes in the region. Therefore, successful transformation of Russiainto stable, prosperous and democratic state should be included into the long-term vision of European politicians who intend to keep Europe secure. All political activities in the Eastern neighbourhood should be subordinated to this. It means that economic support for Ukraine and strengtheningcooperation with this country should not be a goal itself. Westernization of Ukraine ought to beperceived only as a beginning of political transformation of the whole region.
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Main argument raised against EU early warning mechanism is its low utility. Yellow card procedure has been launched three times so far, whereas orange card procedure not even once. Thisindicates that the potential of political instrument which is early-warning mechanism is not fullyexplored. Nonetheless after seven years since the Lisbon Treaty came into force we can collectenough data in order to asses not only the mechanism itself but also the influence of this instrumenton the national parliament scrutiny and engagement in the EU affairs. The aim of this article is: toresearch how the Sejm and Senate use the early warning mechanism, describe what is its impacton general competences of the Polish parliament regarding subsidiarity control and to confront this assessment with the activity of other national parliaments. Thus, the author will propose theset of indicators according to which will be possible to evaluate the activity and eventually theeffectiveness of national parliaments while using the early warning mechanism. There will be alsopresented the results of the empirical study measuring the activity of Sejm and Senate in mentionedarea in the years 2010-2016.
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The article’s goal is to present the consequences of Polish membership in the European Union (EU) forthe functioning of the Polish Sejm and Senate at the national and international level. Polish accession tothe European Union resulted in changes to the scope of competences of certain organs of the Republicof Poland. This was related to the transfer of specific state competences to an international organizationand it applied, in particular, to the Polish Parliament (the Sejm and Senate) which has lost its primary roleas legislator of laws applicable in Poland. In order to avoid the marginalization of national parliamentsin the EU decision-making process, appropriate legal measures have been introduced at the nationaland international level. Additionally, after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, national parliamentshave received new competences which allowed them to exist on the forum of the European Union. Thearticle puts forward the thesis that the Polish Sejm and Senate have lost their position as main legislativebodies at the national level but, at the same time, they have acquired a new European function whichcan neither be qualified as traditionally understood legislative nor controlling functions.
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The article is dedicated to the subject of the parliamentary faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine.The author describes the form of organization of members of the Ukrainian parliament, the historyof the regulation, the political goals of the amendments and the parliamentary practice. The articletries to point a regulation which mark the Ukraine out in the other states: such as constitutionallevel of the provisions alongside parliaments’ internal rules of procedure, criterion for formation ofassociations of members of parliaments, the principle of autonomy, the essence of party disciplineand a specific solution intended to reduce the problem of members of fractions leaving them duringthe term of the parliament.
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