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В работе рассматриваются ключевые моменты формированияорганизационной структуры двух ведущих словенских партий – католической и либеральной иособенности их организационно-политической деятельности на начальном этапе партийногостроительства – в конце XIX – начале XX вв. Автором предпринимается попытка провестисравнительный анализ организационных аспектов их деятельности, исходя из того, чтоэффективность механизмов функционирования партии является одним из важнейшихпоказателей ее успешности. Поскольку развитие католического и либерального движенийпроходило неравномерно в разных словенских областях, в статье делается акцент прежде всегона деятельности партий в центральной словенской провинции Крайне, оказывавшей сильноевлияние на формирование региональных политических партий.В начале XX в. партия католиков превратилась в монолитную и широко разветвленнуюмассовую организацию. Ее структура постепенно становилась все более четкой и хорошопродуманной, а деятельность энергичной и целенаправленной. Либералы же не смогли создатьсплоченной и хорошо организованной партии. Католики опирались на многовековой опытадминистративной деятельности такой мощной организации, как католическая церковь.Организационный опыт либералов в основном был опытом деятельности индивидуальныхпредпринимателей, слабо осознававших необходимость партийной дисциплины. Еще доПервой мировой войны католическая Словенская народная партия стала лидером словенскогонационального движения и сохраняла свои позиции весь межвоенный период.
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This paper analyzes the circumstances that led to a break in diplomatic relations between Yugoslavia and Chile, which began in the fall of 1947 and lasted until they were reestablished in November 1950. The analysis is based on archival material, relevant literature, and contemporary journalism. The events are considered within a bilateral context and the broader international context of the Cold War. Particular attention is given to argumentation on both sides and to the background behind this conflict. The influence of this rupture in Yugoslav–Chilean relations is also analyzed. The second part of the paper will discuss how all of this was presented to the Yugoslav public.
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Today the language of pornography unfolds not only in sex word dictionaries or texts, but also on various web pages. Our study is based on a corpus for which we analyzed a variational material relating to the non-standard: around a hundred erotic biographies of homo- and bisexual pornstars gathered on the French-speaking site https://www.videosxgays.com/. The objective of our analysis is to look at the discursive construction of the identity of X actors in order to highlight the power ethos that emerges in the discourse studied through a specific repertoire of linguistic instruments.
More...byłą sekretarz Rady Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego i minister spraw zagranicznych Gruzji w okresie wojny z Rosją w 2008 r.
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Weaponized rhetoric designates a contest for influence in cognitive space, conducted through symbols. Weaponized rhetoric is both a substitute for war and a new method of warfare. Weaponized rhetoric goes beyond persuasion, argumentation, or propaganda in their traditional senses. The main tools of weaponized rhetoric are narrative, action, and image. Politics today begins to resemble information warfare, while the notion of security (national, personal) becomes equated with cognitive security. The highest prize and stake in this warfare is reputation and its correlate: legitimation. These developments constitute a challenge to rhetorical (and citizenship) education.
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The paper deals with the visual and verbal modes as well as interrelations between them employed in dominant argumentation on the British and German magazine covers devoted to president Donald J. Trump. Following the concept of multimodality and the notion of enthymemes the author discusses analogy and causality as predominant types of argumentation occurring on the covers of THE ECONOMIST and DER SPIEGEL and illustrates the contribution of the visual image to the (re-)construction of the tacit components of the argumentation.
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In this article entitled Sino-Indian territorial dispute implications and perspectives, there is an analysis made on how this dispute started between China and India and what were the major implications that this dispute brought. We will see the importance of this territorial dispute between the two Asian giants and also the opportunities it offered to the great powers such as USSR and the United States. One of the main focuses will be the way China managed to win some of the territories that India had and how did that affect the security of the continent and the relations between the states that were involved in this conflict. This border conflict between China and India is important even today because it still involves the two super powers and their allies mainly because right now China is on the verge of becoming the world’s biggest economy. At the end of the article we will see a comparison between the armies and economies of China and India to see who had the biggest ascension and if they will be able to rise at the same pace, and if not, how will it affect the security of the Asian continent. Knowing the stakes that this conflict had, it is interesting to see what will happen in the future because their border dispute hasn’t concluded since 1962 even though there hasn’t been a major fight between the two armies since the end of the war. No one knows if this conflict will come to an end anytime soon.
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Péntek János – Benő Attila: A magyar nyelv Romániában (Erdélyben). Sorozatszerkesztő: Kontra Miklós. Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület – Gondolat Kiadó: Kolozsvár – Budapest, 2020. 473 oldal
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Göncz László: Emberek a Pannon végeken. Huszadik századi sorsok a magyar–szlovén határ mentén. Magyar Nyugat Könyvkiadó: Szombathely, 2019. 344 oldal
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Western Pomerania was said to be called as a stronghold of the left, for the Democratic Left Alliance both in the 1990s and at the beginning of the 21st century achieved some of the best results in the country. Only after the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2005 and the local government elections in 2006, the electoral preferences changed towards the center of the political scene. The Civic Platform of the Republic of Poland turned out to be the change, Law and Justice to a lesser extent.The article presents a political analysis of the voting preferences of the inhabitants of West Pomerania in the local government elections with regard to the three mentioned parties. The aim of the research was to analyze the direction in which the electorate goes. It was checked whether the SLD was permanently eliminated and how strong the dominance of the PO was. Furthermore it was examined whether PiS is a real threat to the PO RP and whether the SLD has a chance to regain its lost position.It seems that regardless of the attempts made, the position of the SLD after the 2006 elections is stable and there are no indications that the Alliance could dominate the analyzed region again. However, in spite of the fact that since 2006 the PO enjoys high support, since 2014 PiS has been achieving better and better results, depriving the PO RP hegemon in its position in 2006–2014.
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The modern political class, which has been established on democratic principles both in Europe and America, is keen to use rhetoric and tools it provides. Any attempt to define the influence of these tools principally refers to the essence of rhetoric which is persuasion. Persuasion, on the other hand, is core to political discourse which, according to Teun van Dijk (1997, p. 14) is contextual, therefore must be recognized by its functions and/or goals. The functions of the discourse are often expressed in rhetorical devices and therefore play an important role in achieving political goals. The pieces of information presented in this article depict rhetorical devices as useful in increasing persuasiveness. Attention is paid to figures of repetition which constitute a universal category of rhetorical devices and thus need to be examined in a greater detail, especially in a discourse whose users focus their efforts on constructing effective persuasion.
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Brexit is an unprecedented event in the recent history of the European Union. Understood as the legal, political and administrative process of the UK's exit from the EU, it was initiated first politically by the referendum of 23 June 2016 and then legally by Prime Minister Theresa May's letter to the President of the European Council on 29 March 2017. More broadly, however, Brexit is the result of growing tensions in UK-EU relations intertwined with changes in the UK and EU political system.
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W artykule próbuję odpowiedzieć na pytanie o rolę organizacji międzynarodowych w zachowaniu pamięci o Holokauście na przykładzie Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych. Tekst rozpoczyna się od krótkiego rysu historycznego przedstawiającego okoliczności powstania ONZ. W kolejnych częściach odnoszę się do konkretnych przykładów działań, których celem (choć nie zawsze jedynym) było przeciwdziałanie ludobójstwom oraz upamiętnienie Zagłady. Omawiam dwa dokumenty: Powszechną Deklarację Praw Człowieka oraz Konwencję w Sprawie Zapobiegania i Karania Zbrodni Ludobójstwa. W tekście odnoszę się także ustanowionego przez Zgromadzenie Ogólne ONZ w 2005 roku Międzynarodowego Dnia Pamięci o ofiarach Holokaustu. Z kolei w ostatniej części próbuję odpowiedzieć na pytanie czy podejmowanie przez organizację działania w tym obszarze są skuteczne.
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The geostrategic position of South Asia, the security threats it confronts, as well as its economic and social dynamics, make the region an important benchmark for the policy of the European Union, including Poland. Poland's political, economic and cultural relations with the main countries of South Asia have great development potential.
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The phrase ‘crisis of democracy’ has dominated contemporary discussions on the state, law and politics. It is used in all cases, and - to a greater or lesser extent - by participants in political rivalries, the media, experts and, increasingly, the general public. However, the frequent use and sometimes misuse of this phrase is accompanied by a lack of clarity, and often even an elementary lack of knowledge of what it actually means.
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Lobbying involves a variety of lawful activities undertaken by individuals, groups and organisations to influence the decisions of public authorities. In a democratic state, it is a normal phenomenon. In Poland, however, lobbying is assessed ambivalently due to its specific nature, often resulting from informal and non-transparent links between lobbyists and decision-makers. Moreover, regulation of lobbying is imperfect and superficial. This hinders the spread of professional lobbying and its institutionalisation and draws attention to the need for changes in the law.
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