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Kosinski A story with a blame in the background Gomola A long awaited dictionary Sokolowska Why the world still exists Kurkiewicz Michal Kurkiewicz’s proposals for reading
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Kosinski A story with a blame in the background Gomola A long awaited dictionary Sokolowska Why the world still exists Kurkiewicz Michal Kurkiewicz’s proposals for reading
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The Alliance for the European Integration won the parliamentary and local elections in 2009-2011, supports the pro-European Government that implements pro-European policies. Positive EU country reports mention the progress of the Republic of Moldova, but the European Neighbourhood Policy does not encourage a future EU Membership. However, Moldova is a European country and, when it will be prepared, it has the right to ask to become a candidate country.
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la laurea honoris causa che l‟Università “Petru Maior” di Tîrgu Mureş mi ha attribuito è per me un grande onore che forse va al di là dei miei meriti e vorrei dedicarla a mia moglie, la professoressa Giovanna Motta, coordinatrice del dottorato in Storia d‟Europa alla Sapienza Università di Roma, con la quale ho condiviso vita privata, impegno accademico e interessi scientifici
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The paper studies the debates that took place during the Lisbon Conference of 1958 regarding the international protection and registration of appellation of origin. In particular, the bases of the research are the discussions that took place during the Lisbon Conference regarding the notion of appellation of origin, and that of geographical indication. All the opinions and positions took by different states regarding this particular problem are collected in the book entitled “Actés de la Conférence de Lisbonne” published by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). The debate is highly important nowadays because of the reforms intended to be made in the geographical indications protection system. Also the positions expressed during the Conference are relevant for the future of the international act adopted: the “Lisbon Agreement”.
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This study deals with the possibility of the Royal Romanian Army’s evacuation in the Russian territory for reorganization. This problem generated tension in the relations between the Allies, especially between France and Russia. During 1917, this represented a key-problem of the discussions between the three diplomacies (French, Russian and Romanian) and the military representatives. Of course, each party wanted to promote its own interest. These interests were influenced by the situation on the front, by the evolution of the military operations. There were also disputes and different points of view on this matter, which altered the quality of the cooperation. The Russian proposal concerning the evacuation of the Romanian Army, authorities and population was rejected from the very beginning by France. General Henry Mathias Berthelot, Chief of the French Military Mission in Romania, expressed a strong point of view against the withdrawal to Russia. The psychological condition of the Romanian troops would have been seriously affected. For French diplomacy and French officers, the reorganization of the Romanian Army on the Moldavian territory represented a guarantee of its utility. Romania’s King, Ferdinand energetically rejected the idea of the evacuation. The French Minister from Iaşi, Count Charles de Saint Aulaire also persuaded the Romanian Government leaded by Ion I.C. Brătianu that the evacuation had been a hazardous operation. On the other hand, the Russians insisted for the solution of withdrawal. It is possible that they attempted to subordinate the Romanian Army. Finally, the Romanian Army and authorities remained on the national ground.
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The purpose of this study is to analyze the manner in which the relationship between book and society has been delineated into premodern Romanian society. Succeeding François Furet, the French historian who turned the researches on the history of the books towards the receiver, we would like to emphases the feminist practices of reading, as they were established at the level of Wallachia and Moldavia’s elite. Our analysis is based on a comparative perspective. It emphases some studies of case, as they are resulted after the enquiry of the official papers of the Court, the denotation on the books pages, correspondence, chronicles, travel diaries. We would like to find out which were the reading genres preferences of the feminine elite during the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries, what kind of image the women attracted by reading were able to pass on and if the masculine power, as representing the dominant culture, did really perceived them as “becoming intellectuals” or, on the contrary, they were looked on hostile.
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The Germanic mythology has a very special character: the animal-warrior. Although present in many other indo-European and North-American mythologies, the wolfspetze and the beserker had some interesting individual features. Beyond mythology lies an entire web of historic sources (written and epigraphic) who stresses out the fact that these warriors were not only the fruit of a rich imagination. They actually were present in such “rational” institutions as the roman army or, later, in the armies of early medieval northern kings. This paper tries to emphasize a few aspects of this complex problem.
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After the end of the first world war Versailles’ peace negotiations defined the new settlement of Central-Eastern Europe on the principle of self-determination. The application of this concept, anyway, was not easy and peaceful and was many times entrusted to the factual conditions of the disputed regions and to conditions of the States claiming them. In the case of Poland, the new State was reshaped according to the strange combination of diplomacy and conflicts, as the definitive extension of the State depended on the fate of the campaigns in which Polish troops were involved after the Great War. Poland, thus, showed the particular situation of Central-Eastern Europe, where many little conflicts accompanied the development of diplomatic negotiations.
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This article addresses the issue of ethnic relations in a complicated period of Romanian history onset of communism. The evolution was somewhat similar for Romania and Hungary, taking into consideration the setting up of the red power, from the alliance/independence fronts till the gradual buying up of the whole power and the increasing of the communist effectives’ force, but in a short period of time1. Even though the presence of the minorities in the party overtakes in some areas that of the population’s percentage, the subsequent events, the merging with PSDR, the tendency of PMR of keeping the ethnical balance in the representation led to the increasing of the ethnical Romanians’ weight both within the political party and at the level of decision2. But there is much suspicion, the structures are not unitary, the conflicts between the Hungarian communists and the Romanian ones are frequent.
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The paintings that are studied in this work are selected from the patrimony of the Art Museum of Mureş County and are representative both for the general artistic credo of the authors and for the plastic approach of the themes embraced by the painters studied: Theodor Aman, Sava Henţia, the Moldavian Constantin Dumitru Stahi and Emanoil Bardasare, as well as for the classics that marked and distinctly contoured the 19th century: Nicolae Grigorescu, Ion Andreescu and Ştefan Luchian. Their role in the formation of the Romanian art school was a wholesome and highly decisive one. Their efforts were successfully made in order to find the best artistic formula to reveal our national sensitivity.
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The agreements between the Allies at Tehran, Moscow and Yalta gave Russia the initiative in concluding the treaties with the East European countries. Thereby, the Soviet political and military authority became the decisive factor of the implementation of communism in the Eastern countries. Significant for the subordination policy led by Russia is the way in which it managed to handle the national issues and the territorial disputes. From this point of view, the study presents the role played by General Susaikov, the head of the Allied Control Commission in Romania, in the Romanian-Hungarian disputes in the period 1945-1947.
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This article aims to present the perception that a British diplomat had on the political, social and everyday life of Bucharest in 1944-1946. The diplomat wrote personal letters to his parents, explaining them the situation of the Romanian capital city and evaluating the Romanian realities by using British standards. Many dimensions of the Romanian social and cultural life had theirs correspondent in Great Britain, and at the same time, some Romanian specific characteristics were enjoyed by the British diplomat.
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In 1939-1941, the Third Reich was at its peak and temporarily allied with Soviet Union. At the beginning of World War II, Yugoslavia remained neutral but Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria were forced to join the Tripartite Pact and pression on Belgrade’s Government became irresistible, while Italy had already occupied Albania and was fighting in Greece. After several months of German pressure, Yugoslavia finally signed, on March 25th, 1941, the Tripartite Pact but a group of pro-British officers made a coup and on April 6th the Axis Powers invaded Yugoslavia. The Italian Military Intelligence Service provided a valuable record of the period in question allowing detailed analysis.
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The Crimean War is the first international conflict following the Napoleonic Wars and it’s the first crisis of the Continental order established in Vienna (1814-1815). The War opposed the Tsarist Empire which, under the pretext of defending the Orthodox Ottoman subjects, wants to disrupt the geopolitical order in the Eastern Europe gaining control over Bosphorus and Dardanelles, in order to have a coastal outlet in the Mediterranean Sea and fits in the main European trade routes to Ottoman Empire, and the coalition of Great Britain, France, the Habsburg Empire and the Kingdom of Sardinia, which want to maintain the status quo. In this war, a very strategic area is the Black Sea, which is the main theatre of the battles. Supremacy in this area soon becomes the key to victory in the conflict.
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This paper is structured in four parts, and deals with the multiple and complex dimensions of migration. Within the general context of the European population flux phenomenon of the last years, it draws attention on East-West migration, particularly regarding Romanians. Comparative statistical data are presented, causes and consequences of emigration are analyzed.
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The author updates the points of view expressed by some Jewish intellectuals (in memorial and scientific texts, interviews, occasional accounts) in reference to the rescue actions carried out by the Romanian inhabitants from Transylvania, at the border between Hungary and Romania. Certain important truths have been emphasized since more perseverance was needed in order to recover them. The same desideratum is also valid in the case of the existing, factual material, which represents a talking point of the finding in the final report on the Holocaust, that is the fact that the Romanian territory has become, especially in the year 1944, “a refuge place for the Jews” who managed “to cross the border (with the help of some guides, through channels organised by Romanian inhabitants - n.n.) from Hungary and Northern Transylvania.
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In 1911 a double agent working for the Okhrana assassinated Stolypin, and Finance Minister Vladimir Kokovtsov replaced him. The cautious Kokovtsov was very able and a supporter of the Tsar, but he could not compete with the powerful court factions that dominated the government. Historians have debated whether Russia had the potential to develop a constitutional government between 1905 and 1914. The failure to do so was partly because the Tsar was not willing to give up autocratic rule or share power. By manipulating the franchise, the Government obtained progressively more conservative, but less representative, Dumas. Moreover, the regime sometimes bypassed the conservative Dumas and ruled by decree. During this period, the Government's policies waivered from reformist to repressive. Historians have speculated about whether Witte’s and Stolypin’s bold reform plans could have "saved" the Russian Empire. But court politics, together with the continuing isolation of the Tsar and the bureaucracy from the rest of society, hampered all reforms. Suspensions of civil liberties and the rule of law continued in many places, and neither workers nor the Orthodox Church had the right to organize themselves as they chose. Discrimination against Poles, Jews, Ukrainians, and Old Believers was common. Domestic unrest was on the rise while the empire’s foreign policy was becoming more adventurous
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