G.M.Tamás faţă cu reacţiunea
Yet another reply to G.M.Tamás' article "Letter to my Romanian Friends" published in the Hungarian newspaper "Elet es Irodalom".
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Yet another reply to G.M.Tamás' article "Letter to my Romanian Friends" published in the Hungarian newspaper "Elet es Irodalom".
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An article about the mayor of Cluj, Gheorghe Funar, nationalism in the context of St. Valentine's Day in Romania...
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Article about Romania as a part of the Balkans and Eastern Europe as part of the Balkans. Geographical delimitation of the Balkans and Central and Eastern Europe - history and implications. About Maria Todorova's book "The Balkans and the Balkanism", Humanitas Publishing House.
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Author argues that conservative and fascist Yugoslavism appeared as well as other European fascist movements after WWI as a form of reaction to crisis of European capitalism. There were two periods of fascist Yugoslavism: during 1920s and during 1930s. In the first period, fascism was the strongest in Dalmatia. In atmosphere of Italian fascist challenge many Dalmatians, Croats and Serbs, were close to apply fascist answer coloured with Yugoslav “integral” nationalism. That was only proto-fascist movement because there were not any strong organization and leadership. Nevertheless, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes witnessed dangerous struggle very close to civil war on ethnic basis between ORJUNA (proto-fascist organization supported by Svetozar Pribicevic) and HANAO (Croatian proto-fascist organization) and SRNAO (Serbian proto-fascist organization) as well. In the second period, fascist movement got a leader Dimitrije Qotic and stronger organization Zbor. Yet, this organization was relatively unpopular not only in Croatia: the best though not impressive results on elections were in Slovenia and in Smederevo (town in Serbia where D. Qotic was born). Croatian nationalists were not in a situation to use any ideology of Yugoslavism in ethnic competition with Serbs between 1918 and 1941. They had to use only Croatian nationalism as such. On the contrary, Yugoslavism was a powerful instrument of Serbian nationalist in ethnic competition with Croats. That is why fascist Yugoslavism appeared dominantly in Serbian regions of Yugoslavia. Fascist Yugoslavism was an instrument of forced but completely unsuccessful assimilation of Croats in Yugoslavs.
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Review of the book "Po milosti Bozjoj" by Djordje J. Janic.
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Review of the book "Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire" by Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt.
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The basic criteria for a political force in contemporary Serbia to be considered as right are: anti-communism, acceptance of civil national tradition, positive attitude towards faith and church and pleading for private property and the market. Based on these conditions, serious parties of the right are SPO, SRS and DSS and conditionally speaking G17. As for smaller movements, this includes Obraz, Dveri, Justin Filozof. There is also a group of right wing intellectuals: from Matija Be}kovi}, Du{an Kova~evi}, Mihailo \uri} to Drago{ Kalaji} or Dragoslav Bokan. Although majority of Serbian voters in 2003 elections voted for the right, majority of our publicity is still either radically left or radically right. It is therefore necessary to create a whole net of moderate right wing institutions in Serbia and to, through relocation of moderate, civil right, acheive balance between moderate right orientation of the nation with moderate right wing thought of its intelligence.
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Review of the book "Svadba – prica o identitetu / Wedding - story on identity" by Sanja Zlatanovic.
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Reviews of the books "The Radical Right in Central and Eastern Europe Since 1989 by Sabrina P. Ramet (ed.); The Politics of the Extreme Right: From the Margins to the Mainstream by Paul Hainsworth (ed.).
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The author divided Serbian right-wing parties into the three groups: the classical and modern conservatives (neo-liberals), liberals, and the right extremists. The first ones are Democratic Party of Serbia, led by Vojislav Ko{tunica, Serbian Movement of Renewal, led by Vuk Dra{kovi}, Nova Srbija, led by Velimir Ili}, The Force of Serbia Movement, led by Bogoqub Kari}, among classical conservatives, and G17+, as modern conservatives or neo-liberals, led by Miroqub Labus. Liberals are collected in the Democratic Party, led by Boris Tadi}. Classical conservatives are devoted to traditional values such as religion. They especially insist on the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church within Serbian society. In addition, they are vigorous anti-communists and anti-Yugoslavism oriented parties. Neo-liberals insist, however, on the role of the economy and they especially point out significance of the technokrats in politics. The party of the late Serbian prime-minister Zoran \in|i} considers freedom as the top value within their ideology. They estimate education as the most important resource for fast social development. Although very different among themselves, Serbian conservatives and liberals are clearly pro-European parties. However, Serbian right-extremists, Serbian Radical Party, is an anti-European party. The Serbian radicals are in favour of the extreme nationalism, they cooperate with other right-extremist parties in Europe (National Front in France, Liberal-democratic Party in Russia etc.), and finally, they are in accordance with other right-extremist parties regarding social profile of the supporters. Because of the serious economic and social problems in Serbia, Serbian Radical Party could endanger fragile democracy in Serbia.
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The author in the text analyses life and work of the painter and publicist Dragos Kalajic (1943-2005), the most influential and exposed public figure of Serbian right in last two decades of the 20 centaury, synthetically underlining main theses that are given in all his work. Finding ideologically coherent views in his publicistic oeuvre, the author traces all his main ideas within the framework of European right through of the other half of XX centaury. This is the reason why the conclusion is drawn that Kalajic was not a representative of original ideal of Serbian national right but rather an „ideological European“ of postmodern right and most faithful representative of its views in these areas.
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Review of the book "Kuda vodi globalizacija" by Zoran Vidojevic.
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The Right and Left are symmetrical appearances of politics of modern society. Their historical origin is a matter of conflict and axiological sense topicly conditioned. What is Right and what is Left in political life is determined through relation and probability without any absolute criteria. Speaking of Serbia, in the period of communist monism the Right was perverted and made unwanted. With abundance of monism in the presocratic period a more developed phase of pluralism of political parties has begun. The Right in contemporary Serbia this way gained greater attention and more adequate political stand.
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Review of the book "Istorija Pravnog fakulteta u Beogradu" by Ljubica Kandic.
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Review of the book "Razmisljanja o revoluciji u Francuskoj / Reflections on the Revolution in France" by Edmund Burke.
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The analysis of the historical moment in which Serbia is currently in, with a ballast of hard recent past and with fear of uncertain future, is given through the interpretation of messages of Samuel Huntington (“The Clash of Civilizations”) and Francis Fukuyama (“The End of History and the Last Man”). In “The Clash of Civilizations” Serbia is handicapped by its belonging to the weakest of three civilizations in the Balkans, for the West civilization is extraordinary superior while the Islamic is in great uprising today. From the other side, after the breakdown of communism and foundation of parliamentary democracy and capitalistic market economy Serbia is reaching “the end of history”, according to Fukuyama’s definition of the end of history as “the end of ideological evolution of humanity”. Contemporary Serbia lacks outer and inner stability and clearly defined borders. Hard economic and social problems, unemployment and difficult situation of the poor, erosion of morals are also present. Only when all these problems are resolved Serbia will come close to “the end of history” in the sense of completion of its ideological evolution.
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