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The Conference of Ministers of Education of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1950 issued a directive stating that each subject of school education, in line with its specificity, was to contribute to political education of youth. Historical education of youth was required to shape their historical thinking oriented to understanding of the present. The ensuing directives of the educational authorities emphasized decidedly tasks of historical education treated as an “experimental laboratory” for political educa-tion, including a critical light thrown on National Socialism and all kinds of totalitarianism, anti-Seimitism, all kinds of discrimination and breaking human rights. Not only in the Federal Republic but also in the German Democratic Republic, both in politics and in education in the 1950s and 1960s, a special weight was attached to the so called German problem, meaning the unification of Germany which was pre-sented as a global problem... Historical-political education of the West German youth in the 1950s provided objective knowledge of the German problem and of the neighbours from the other side of the Elbe. It distanced young Germans from the Bonn Republic from their country-fellowmen on the other side of the Elbe. In the German Democratic model of historical-political education, the German problem was perceived in an ideo-logical dimension, especially in respect to teaching the youth the spirit of Democratic Socialism and hostility to the Federal Republic as an “imperialistic state”. The changing of the governing elites in both of the German states at the turn of the 1950s and 1960s started a new chapter in the bilateral relations, marking progress from confrontation to co-existence. The model of historical-political education did not corre-spond with the transformation, therefore the contents of the model of education were adapted to the political changes. The breakthroughs in the history of Europe and Germany over the centuries, such as “the Autumn of the Peoples”, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of the system of the real socialism reached the educational authorities’ and institutions involved in the European integration from the point of view of historical-political education with a delay not only in the united Germany but also in other countries of Western Europe. Only in November 1991 did the Conference of the Ministers of Education issue a di-rective entitled “On the European dimension in education”. Something resembling a “discovery of the history” of Central and Eastern Europe and the reciprocated interest in the history of Western Europe in the systems of education of the countries in the European Union is a beginning of the process of European integra-tion in respect to historical-political education on the scale of the whole continent.
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The study provides the conclusions from the analysis of determinants of non-financial reporting carried out in the light of the positive and normative theory of accounting. It is an attempt to identify answers − what are the basic directions of development of non-financial reporting and which determinants of the development of non-financial reporting can be explained from the positive and normative accounting theories` view. On the basis of deductive and inductive reasoning there are presented the key determinants of the development of non-financial reporting and the directions of the anticipated changes of reporting.
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The Peasants’ International, known by its Russian name of Kriestintern, was established in October 1923 and lasted until the beginning of February 1931. The PI was founded under the influence of the experience of the Russian revolution when the Communists realized that they were unable to seize power without a support from peasants. The Peasants’ International had difficulties with getting into a direct touch with the peasants although it had recognized them as a revolutionary force and sup-ported the establishment of dependent peasants’ organisations that had a transitory nature, that is they existed only until the revolution had won its victory. The future socialist countries were to be established as mono-party systems. The PI was fairly successful although it had had a difficult birth, caused among others by the fact that at the moment of its inception agrarian folk parties were well rooted in many countries. Moreover, in the Komintern there was no clarity as to the nature of the PI, as there was no clarity among the activists of the latter. In reality, the PI was a legal venture of the Communist International created to undertake activi-ties in the countryside. The Communists made many mistakes dealing with the peasants – the class they had intended to annihilate in the future. Despite all this, the PI during its whole existence, especially in the years 1924-1926, gained a considerable influence. It consisted in total of 24 national sections which were active in different periods. The biggest number of sections – 11 – there existed in Europe. Asia and the Far East ranked as the second. In general, the Kriestintern was active or tried to be active in at least 58 countries in all of the continents, apart from Australia.
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The development of theoretical reflection on the essence and sense of the con-cept of nation was determined by the direction of socio-political transformations which took place in the Polish lands at the turn of the XIX and XX centuries. The national issues occupied much space in the political thought of Zygmunt Balicki (1858–1916), one of the “fathers of Polish nationalism”, an ideologue and a founder of the Christian Democracy and one of the antecessors of the then developing social sciences. The essence of the Polish nation, its good and deve- lopment became the main subject of interest and the motivation for the majority of Balicki’s ruminations. Nonetheless it is rather difficult to answer the question what the nation meant for Balicki since he had not elaborated a clear-cut theoretical formulation of the issue. In the light of his enunciations, the Polish nation is represented both as a po-litical, historical, cultural category and a psychological, moral and mystical one. It seems that despite the fact that he nowhere defined the nation in absolute terms, in fact, this is only lacking a verbal statement. The analysis of his writings proves that the nation was the supreme and autotelic value for him. The nation constituted in Balicki’s eyes “the highest social community”, absolutely the most important of all and as such – a source of moral norms.
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With the growth of societies in size, complexity and diversification, the obtaining formal and informal factors of social control become insufficient, which contributes to the rise of social pathology. The paper contains an overview of definitions of the con-cept of social pathology and theories explaining the sources of social pathology: structural tensions, conflicts, stigmatization, control and variegated relationships between them. The sources of the negative phenomena are also related to the effects produced by processes of socio-economic, cultural and political transformations. Social pathology can have both an individual and a collective dimension. Individual pathology may be linked to alcoholism, drug-taking, prostitution, suicide or individual crime commitment. The individual pathology affects mainly its bearers but its effects constitute a danger to their nearest environment (including their families), groups or the whole society. It is difficult and hardly effective to counteract social pathology. It requires an enormous input of efforts and means. It necessitates a co-operation of involved institu-tions, including governmental ones, such as the police, prosecutors, courts, prisons, health care, social assistance institutions and non-governmental ones, such as foundations, MONAR, etc. It is possible to implement various strategies – both non-repressive and repressive ones. A broadly conceived prevention, meaning preventing pathological phenomena from arising, should be the main instrument of the counteraction.
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The paper presents views concerning a desired – according to various activists and oppositional parties – shape of property relations in Poland and rules to distri- bute the national product and to manage it, which are related to the former. Apart from one shared feature – the recognition of the necessity to introduce changes in the matter – the particular views differed in a number of respects, first and foremost in the proposed direction of changes – from social ownership as the main direction of the transformation, to a multi-sector economy, an economy dominated almost entirely by the private sector including restrictions on ownership to a total privatiza-tion and the absolutely free market. The particular authors perceived also differently the ways and institutional frameworks by means of which the changes recognized as desired were to be introduced. The particular parties’ conceptions were also inter-nally diversified, partly incoherent and, at least in part, changeable. A series of views on the issues were expressed within the framework of “Solidarity”, gathering many economists whose opinions differed. Apart from this, the paper relates also, among others, the views by “Solidarność Walcząca” (The Fighting Solidarity), by the or-ganization of “Wolność – Sprawiedliwość – Niepodległość” [Freedom-Justice-Independence], by Konfederacja Polski Niepodległej [Confederation of Independent Poland], Liberalno-Demokratyczna Partia “Niepodległość” [Liberal-Democratic Party “Independence”], groups invoking the social thought of the Church as well as ever more prominent liberal groups. In conclusion, one may state that the opposition as the formation which at a cer-tain point intercepted power in the state, did not have any commonly shared conception of the changes, did not dispose of an adequate programme (which was also the case in respect to other issues) being, in this sense, unprepared to take over the rule of the country.
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The paper presents various features of the European continent’s identity which distin-guish it from the other continents. It emphasizes cultural heritage of Europe which has been shaped over centuries by nation-states and shared traditions in philosophy, science, literature and art. It points out that within Europe there coexist in harmony permanent European values and cultural heritage of the particular European nations while a multi-cultural model of the continent’s identity is being created which preserves its “unity in diversity”. The European identity has been influenced primarily by Greek cultural-intellectual traditions, Roman civic and legal traditions as well as universalist Christian ideas. They have shaped the development of civilization in Europe and co-contributed to the more contemporary features of the European identity, such as: the rule of advanced democracies, the expanded system of protection of human rights or the development of the Conferen-ce/Organization of Security and Co-operation in Europe. The main features of the European identity influence the community of the whole continent, more strongly in its Western part, where new cultural ideas and new trends in art and European thought have been born from the ancient times to the Renaissance and the Enlightenment until nowadays. The budding identity of European integration has a special character. It unites the heritage of the continent’s nations with pan-European values in a new communitarian system which has no counterpart in other continents.
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