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Заканите, омаловажувањата и навредите во односите меѓу работник и работодавач и меѓу работници колеги не се новина, но новина е нивното нормативно уредување во одделни земји. Психичките притисоци, понижувањата и злоставувањата, малтретирањето на работниците, кои предизвикуваат сериозните нарушувања на психичкото и физичкото здравје на работниците, го карактеризираат таканаречениот мобинг кој е одамна познат во работните средини во многу земји. И Република Македонија не е исклучок од светската појава на се помасовното малтретирање на вработените. Неспорен е фактот дека мобингот негативно влијае како на работникот така и на работните задачи што тој ги извршува на неговото работно место, понекогаш доведувајќи ја во прашање и неговата здравствена состојба.
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The National human rights institutions symbolize a new factor of democratic development on the international scene. In Macedonia there is need for establishment of such an institution, which would be accredited in accordance with the Paris Principles, and its formation would be a big step towards the proper implementation of the international human rights standards at national level, and way to connect with the international networks of these institutions. The existing human rights institutions in Republic of Macedonia do not meet the required standards.
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This paper is a short overview of the German Institute for Human Rights (GIHR), which strength lies in its think-tank like nature; the GIHR is an important agenda setter for human rights. It has inspired and accompanied public debates on a number of key human rights issues, e.g. with respect to freedom of religion, non-discrimination, and the rights of the elderly, and successfully advised some ministries and parliamentarians with respect to policy development on human rights. However, this strength as a think-tank has to be balanced with the general promotion mandate, which requires reaching the larger public. It also needs to be balanced with the protection mandate, which requires concentrating on vulnerable groups and their access to remedies and redress. These requirements produce a constructive tension for the future development of the GIHR.
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This article aims to contribute to the increased interest and consideration for the effects of parent imprisonment on children by addressing new issues for social work practices with this social group. The purpose of this article is to explore, through the experiences of children with a convicted parent, the rights and needs of their target. The article presents a study that the author has conducted with 10 children with imprisoned parents. The method has been that of qualitative research, based on semi-structured interviews. The article has reached in some findings and conclusions. The rights of children with a convicted parent are not recognized and often aren’t considered by social institutions. One of the most important recommendations of this paper is that of increasing awareness of policy-makers to better address the rights of children of incarcerated parents.
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Националните институции за човекови права претставуваат нов фактор на демократскиот развој на меѓеународната сцена. Во Република Македонија постои потреба од формирање на институција за човекови права која би била акредитирана согласно Париските принципи, а нејзиното формирање би претставувало голем исчекор во насока на соодветна имплементација на меѓународните стандарди за човековите права на национално ниво, и начин за поврзување со меѓународните мрежи на овие институции. Постоечките институции за човекови права во Република Македонија не ги исполнуваат бараните стандарди.
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Threats, intimidations and insults in the relationships between an employee and employer and among coworkers are not something new, but the novelty is their normative regulation in different countries. Psychological pressure, humiliation and abuses, mistreatment of workers, causing serious disturbances on mental and physical health of workers, characterize the so-called mobbing, which has long been known in the working environment in many countries. Republic of Macedonia is no exception to the global phenomenon of massive mistreatment of employees. Indisputable is the fact that the mobbing has adverse effect on the employee, as well as on the duties on is/her work place, sometimes questioning his/her health.
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In this review, the Ombudsman of the Republic of Macedonia gives an overview of the institutional character of his institution. The text offers an outline of the history, legal basis, organizational structure, funding, human rights mandate and activities. For the purposes of the topic of Eurodialogue 16, special attention is given to the Ombudsman of Republic of Macedonia as a National Human Rights Institution, the application process, receiving of status B and evaluation of the International Coordination Committee of National Institutions for Promotion and Protection of Human Rights.
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Independence is at the core of international standards relating to National Human Rights Institutions - the Paris Principles. The system of international accreditation assists National Institutions to be safeguards of human rights at home and internationally. Ensuring independence and providing guidance how to achieve it is an invaluable undertaking of the International Coordinating Committee helping National Institutions to effectively fulfill their human rights role. One of the two County’s National Institutions – the Ombudsman – has applied and was accredited a not fully compliant “B” status in 2011 with recommendations to amend the legislation to allow for a wider mandate, transparent appointment and diversity of composition as well as ensure adequate funding and interaction with the international human rights system. It is hoped that all relevant actors will take the recommendations strongly on board to strengthen Country’s National Institutions and make them credible safeguards of the realization of the international human rights guarantees.
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The paper analyses the fundamental rights protection in the European Union after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. Namely, the European Union by enforcing the Treaty of Lisbon has adopted its own legally binding act - the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights that has the same legal value as the EU Treaties. The judicial activism of the European Court of Justice in Luxembourg, by resolving cases referring to fundamental rights protection and by that creating an extensive case law, has served as a basis for establishment of EU system for human rights protection. There are certain visible benefits of the adoption of the EU Charter, but the analyze of its practical application shows that reaching more efficient implementation of the EU Charter is one of the challenges that still remain for the Union.
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Во последната деценија на дваесеттиот век, Африка доживеа наплив од Национални институции за човекови права. Додека ОН и земјите-донатори го поддржуваа овој тренд, некои невладини организации за човекови права, вклучувајќи го и Хјуман Рајтс Воч, не се согласуваа со оваа појава. Тие на државните институции за човекови права во Африка гледаат со одреден скептицизам, сметајќи дека единствена цел е привлекување на странска развојна помош. Во 1993 година, Гана воспостави нов устав како дел од својата Четврта република, со кој е воведен балансиран систем на повеќе институции, меѓу кои и Комисијата за човекови права и административна правда, која претставува националната институција за човекови права на Гана. Комисијата има тростран мандат: човекови права, административна правда, и борба против корупцијата. Целта на овој труд е да го претстави институционалниот модел на Комисијата во Гана, преку исцртување на нејзината структура, овластувања и функции.
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Forgács Éva: Csernus Tibor • 950 Perneczky Géza: Héj és lepel (Pauer Gyula retrospektív kiállítása) • 955 Keresztesi József: Műbírálat és diagnózis (Angyalosi Gergely: Romtalanítás) • 973 Farkas János László: Az idõ berendezése (Veres András: Távolodó hagyományok) • 976 Doboss Gyula: Hungarian Psycho (Garaczi László: Gyarmati nõ) • 983 Nemes Z. Márió: Bret Easton Ellis: Holdpark • 987
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As our experience shows, EU policies towards neighbors are in many ways ineffective. One of the reasons could be inadequate and badly organized and positioned financial tools that are helping policies to be realized. Introduction of the new instrument (ENPI) brought new hopes that the European neighborhood policy will better on target and will meet needs, hopes and development strategies of not only EU member states, but also EU neighborhood countries. Even though it’s difficult to evaluate the ENPI impacts today (at the stage when the new programs just started to work), it’s clear that we already need discussion on the ENPI reform. It’s because the ENPI needs more visibility, transparency and accountability, it needs more involvement of other actors (NGOs, local governments …) in to the processes related to spending of the EU funds in neighboring countries and it also needs citizens’ support so aims of the ENP could became reality. We also need more simple, less bureaucratic, varied and flexible financial (delivery) tools that will cope with the emerging problems that ENP countries face.
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This paper argues that although the ENP has failed to give a boost to the reform process by and large, it has developed instruments that have managed to support pro-reform trends and pro-reform constituencies in Ukraine, as well as to establish good practices and reform-minded institutions. Those are not well entrenched right away in order to have impact on the reform process, but they entail the potential to Europeanize Ukraine in the long run. In a way, the ENP has contributed to the development of the ‘enclaves of Europeanization’ in Ukraine. Nevertheless, the paper argues, the ENP in its current shape is not sufficient if the EU is serious about the success of reforms in its neighborhood. The weak domestic potential for reforms might not be sustained without strong support from the outside. To tackle this, the EU needs to strengthen its policy in several substantial ways.
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Through examining the EU’s record in region-building in its Eastern neighborhood, this paper intends to identify the reasons that have prevented the EU from supporting regional cooperation in the ENP, especially in its Eastern component as well as to question the emergence of an EU regional vision in the Eastern part of the continent and the relevance of ‘thinking about’ the Eastern neighborhood on a regional basis.
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