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The Czech prime minister slips further into a hole of his own making as he attempts to explain his and his wife’s complex financial affairs.
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What a possible Russian oil deal with India suggests about the “Great Game.”
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A half-forgotten neighborly quarrel over imperial fragments reminds us that the Polish-Ukrainian borderlands are still worth watching.
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A volume of sociological research inspires a Polish scholar of nationalism to reflect on Europe's borders past, present, and future.
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Finer investigated the phenomenon of politics within its spatial and temporal framework, trying to look into as many forms of government as possible and to find uniformity in their variety. He paid particular attention to a study of institutions of government which he considered the core of politics. His investigations focused on the state. By condensing the consequences of the emergence of the state on the forms of government, Finer came up with two variables: the extent in which rulers establish a standardized central administration and the extent in which homogeneous culture, religion and laws have been achieved.
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On leaving Zadar in September of 1943, Italians burnt the biggest part of their political documents in the courtyard of the then Waterworks Department. This has been a setback for those interested in the interwar history of Zadar and Dalmatia, particularly those investigating the first months of the occupation. The lack of authentic documents is even today an obstacle to a solidly and scientifically built argumentation in the study of that period of Italian occupation and thus every new document, hidden in the rich collection of the Historical Archives in Zadar is a challenge for a new or a more complete interpretation of the first year of the Italian occupation of Dalmatia. This text is another attempt to answer this challenge by means of the original material from the archives and to fill in certain missing pieces in the mosaic of the organization and relationship between the civil and the military authorities in the occupied Dalmatia in 1919.
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Siniša Zrinščak (ur.) Globalizacija i socijalna država RSP i SSSH, Zagreb, 1998., 266 str. Robert A. Dahl Poliarhija. Participacija i opozicija Politička kultura, Zagreb, 1998. (prijevod: Mijo Pavić, pogovor: Tomo Jantol) Peter J. Euben Corrupting youth: Political Education, Democratic Culture, and Political Theory Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1997., str. 272 Stanley A. Renshon High Hopes – The Clinton Presidency and the Politics of Ambition New York University Press, New York & London 1996., str. 402 Stanko Nick Diplomacija – metode i tehnike Barbat, Zagreb 1997. Paul Robert Magocsi Historical Atlas of East Central Europe University of Washington Press, Seattle & London, 1995., str. 218
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Croatia, together with some thirty countries is waiting to be admitted into the World Trade Organization. The membership in WTO-u is the first step in the membership in CEFTA and one of the overture steps in joining the European Union. Apart from the undeniable benefits that the WTO membership brings, there are numerous pitfalls and sacrifices facing Croatia which at the beginning may have a detrimental effect on some sectors of economy. Among the sectors most vulnerable to global competition is the sector of agriculture and food production. Its position on the local market will be significantly weakened, since it is uncompetitive even at the present level of protective tariffs. The central issue in the negotiations for admitting a country or a group of countries into this organization are protective tariffs in this sector. There is no doubt that Croatia will in reasonable time have to reduce these protective measures to the level required by the WTO. What is that going to mean for Croatian agriculture? To what extent is Croatian agriculture (un)prepared to meet these demands? Which are the possible consequences, regarding the strategic importance of agriculture for any country, Croatia being no exception to the rule?
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For many pre-twentieth-century legal and political authors the crucial issue was to find the answers to the questions: Why one cannot support every claim to the right of absolute rule and, How to curtail power and authority anyway? In this text, the author reviews the contribution of three classics of the modern debate on constitutionalism – C. H. McIlwain, C. J. Friedrich, and F. A. Hayek – whose political/legal theories represent the most glorious pages of the contemporary theory of state and rights and the comparative political systems.
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Electronic media in many countries have from their inception been linked and defined with commercial content. However, together with the development of the system of commercial radio, democratic countries very soon began to build and/or revamp the alternative systems of public and/or uncommercial radio. The 1994 Croatian Law on telecommunications again allowed private ownership of electronic media and consequently the number of radio-stations doubled. There are 114 of them today (excluding Croatian Radio stations). However, the expected democratization of the media resulted only in an increase of commercial and entertaining broadcasts. The true role of the radio as a public media whose purpose is public dissemination of information has been replaced by a new (and profitable) role of public entertainer. Should radio be left there?
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The United States of America are the front runner of the contemporary process of globalization. The global American superiority in the political, military, economic, and cultural spheres goes hand in hand with the globalization trends, focusing on the activity of the global leader. The design of the new strategic approach which was to include its vision of the new relations as well as of its global leading role, has been unhurried and circumspect. In the course of two Clinton’s mandates the finishing touches of that new outlook got concrete contours in practical actions, so it seems that the search for the place of the leader is soon going to called off. The American politics is entering the next millennium as a well-defined and organized enterprise with well-thought out global objectives.
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The United States of America are the front runner of the contemporary process of globalization. The global American superiority in the political, military, economic, and cultural spheres goes hand in hand with the globalization trends, focusing on the activity of the global leader. The design of the new strategic approach which was to include its vision of the new relations as well as of its global leading role, has been unhurried and circumspect. In the course of two Clinton’s mandates the finishing touches of that new outlook got concrete contours in practical actions, so it seems that the search for the place of the leader is soon going to called off. The American politics is entering the next millennium as a well-defined and organized enterprise with well-thought out global objectives.
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The author deals with one of the most pressing problems of the 20th century – the problem of migrations. The essay is divided into four parts. In the first, the author presents empirical findings; in the second, he deals with the causes of the intra- and inter-national migrations; the third part is an outline of feasible perspectives, while the fourth offers possible options as countermeasures.
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Violations of human rights have become an almost daily occurrence via various TV and newspaper reports. Massacres, murders, torture, violence, imprisonment of political opponents, are facts of life in a number of contemporary states. While these states blatantly curtail human rights of their citizens, the governments and peoples of other countries have the right but also a kind of duty to demand they be respected. This feeling of global responsibility is increasing every day thanks to the process of globalization itself.
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The notions of left and right are a fundamental semantic pattern within which voters construct their political perceptions and attitudes. Their universal meaning lies in a simple spatial approach to politics as conflict; functionally, “left” and “right” are “shortcuts” for political communication. In the empirically oriented political science, the left-right scale has become a standard variable in public opinion polls. After the initial pessimistic interpretations, in the last twenty years or so, this scale has increasingly demonstrated its validity and reliability. The sources of the left-right identification may be manifold, and not solely ideological. Also, the left-right scheme has demonstrated a remarkable potential to – in time – encompass new political contents and thus create a need for new cross-national and longitudinal studies. Voters – and not scientists – are those who define what is left and what is right.
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The author first defines the various facets of globalization in today’s world and emphasizes the key changes that are stepping up and intensifying communication among peoples, nations, and cultures all over the world. However, parallel to this there are other pressing problems: from the ecological crisis, to the realization of human rights, to the anomie of life and work. All this proves that globalization is not only an economic and technical but, ultimately, practically an ethic/political issue.
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The article looks into the process of “building” the monetary union of the EU member-countries and the creation of the European currency, EURO. Following the lengthy negotiations, the Euro-system era commenced on 1 January 1999, when the Euro was launched, marking the beginning of the third phase of the monetary union. At first, EURO will be virtual money and function as a dual currency, and only in 2002 will it get its physical form for everyday usage. In the first half of that year, local currencies will be replaced by the Euro in eleven EU countries that have satisfied the stringent criteria of “suitability” for joining the monetary union.
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