Една малка конференция за един голям историк и голям приятел нa Българската академия на науките
Editorial summary about conference held in memory of Konstantin Jireček
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Editorial summary about conference held in memory of Konstantin Jireček
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Analytical assessment of the sources that contain specific information about annexing, territorial scope and importance of the Trans-Danubian lands of the renewed Bulgarian tsardom under Theodore-Peter and Asen I-Belgun gives rise to some conclusions. Above all, it becomes clear that a large part of the Trans-Danubian lands of early-medieval Bulgarian realm were again under Bulgarian control in the late twelfth century. These lands were of secondary importance in the politics of the Tarnovo rulers from the twelfth to fourteenth century. Their importance was mostly in their role as a buffer between the center Bulgarian area of Moesia and Hungarian Kingdom, and as a “corridor” along which military reinforcements for the Bulgarian army passed such as Cumans, Brodnici and other steppe allies. But in the first decades after the beginning of the Bulgarian liberation uprising the territories north of the Danube played a strategic role in its success. It was there that Theodore-Peter and Asen-Belgun found safe haven and restored their military forces; there they concluded alliance with the Cumans and the Brodnici. Otherwise their uprising would be doomed to failure –- in the summer of 1186 it seems completely suppressed. Asens arranged their relations with local tribes so successfully that they were able to ensure secure rear and regular inflow of massive reinforcements.
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This prosopographic research traces the life of a princess unknown by name (Na. Terter),who was one of Georgi I Terter’s daughters. In 1279 her father remarried and sent her, her mother and her brother Theodore Svetoslav to the Byzantine Empire in exile. Later Na. Terter returned to Bulgaria, but before long she left her homeland again this time to enter the harem of Chaka, the son of the Tatar Khan Nogay. After the death of her husband – killed on the orders of the Bulgarian Tsar Theodore Svetoslav the princess was offered in marriage to the Catalan leader Bernat de Rokafort. After 1306 we lose track of her.
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The first contacts of the Anglican Church with Eastern Orthodoxy date from the early 17th century and they initiated a process of rapprochement, which is well known in the international historiography. Over the centuries, to this day it has a different intensity depending on the degree of theological negotiations and the political situation. This study traces the impact of this process among the Bulgarian Orthodox community and among Bulgarian society, how perceptions of the Anglican church were formed among Bulgarians and furthermore whether the topic went out of theological dialogue and was publicly known and discussed, and hence politically exploited. The author tracks the attitudes and positions of the representatives of the Anglican Church to the main events related to Bulgaria, and the Bulgarian Orthodox Church in the 19th and early 20th century. He reveals how individual public representatives tried to see farther than purely theological dialogue and sporadically, albeit unsuccessfully, to use thefavor of the Anglican Church to Eastern Orthodoxy in the context of the national tasks that had to be resolved. During the Second World War and the Cold War Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement became part of big politics and was influenced by Stalin‘s religious policy. Although Stalin initially relied on the Anglican Church to expand Orthodox influence in international organizations, subsequently he started considering it to be a competitor and opponent. As a consequence the dialogue was restored after the death of Stalin, but in the countries from the socialist camp and particularly Bulgaria the Orthodox Churches followed the Communist Party religious policy of „opening“ which aimed to use the churches in the big propaganda war between East and West showing that there was religious freedom behind the Iron curtain.
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In historical retrospect Bulgaria occupies an important place in minority policy both in the Balkans and in Europe. Coincidentally, because of historical processes in the late 19th century the Bulgarian state was the first in the Balkans, which was obliged by the 1878 Berlin Treaty to ensure specific ethnic rights. The text of the article is an attempt to present a more general overview of the minority policy of Bulgaria for the period from 1879 to 1919. The author examines the traditional ethnic and religious minorities, subject of official state policy during the period: Turks, Greeks, Vlachs / Romanians and the other two major communities in the country – Jews and Armenians. The main reasons for this approach are tied to three key aspects of minority policy: international obligations of the Principality, and later the Kingdom of Bulgaria, the stereotype of the ongoing internal and external minority policy and minorities as part of the international treaties and agreements.
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What is the promise of the new president Georges Pompidou about the main lines in his foreign policy? An answer is given based on unpublished documents of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. They reveal views that he defended for 40 years as a statesman and a longtime associate of de Gaulle. Invariably, when a politician of the caliber of General de Gaulle comes off the stage, the issue of successor emerges, not only as a person with their quality but also as a politician with their future programme. This topic is especially crucial in France, where the president defines and controls the foreign policy. Documents by Bulgarian diplomatic representatives from the period of the administration of Charles de Gaulle and of Georges Pompidou allow us to answer questions such as: whether the foreign policy activity of the new head of state completely covered with that of the General with capital “G”; whether there were differences; in the context of which historical events they occurred; what were the personalities that affected its shape, both internationally and nationally. Thus the article reveals a Bulgarian view of the international relations in the period of the Cold War and fills a niche with these unpublished documents from the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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For the period from the mid 1970s to the late 1980s Bulgarian export capacity based on export of arms, agricultural products, products of industry, construction of industrial and infrastructure projects, as well as providing specialized labor, were well known in Arabic countries from the Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. The expansion of economic contacts with Arab East until the mid-1980s supported the stability of the regime in Sofia, its economic and social plans. However, Bulgarian successes were achieved with enormous financial effort. They showed lack of rhythm and were discordant with the estimates of the planning authorities in the country and were heavily dependent on the political line of Moscow, the unpredictable regional conflicts and development of the Cold War in the Middle East. Sofia supported the right of self- development of the Arab countries in the context of Arab-Israeli conflict, the rise of Arab nationalism and decolonization. Bulgarian success in the years after World War II was largely due to these phenomena. However, their specific rhythm and their exhaustion in the late the 1980s, supplemented by economic prostration of Bulgaria, undermined the ability to maintain the existing forms of political ties and economic cooperation in the Arab world.
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The author examines two main politology interpretations of state socialism: totalitarian dictatorship and catch-up modernization. He reveals their ideological bases and political roots, showing the adequacy and inadequacy of these views in comparison with theoretical work of Karl Marx, the practical development of V. Lenin and the imperial policy of Y. Stalin. According to the author state socialism in Eastern Europe was closest to the concept of “totalitarian dictatorship” in the late 1940s and early 1950s, and to the concept of “catch-up modernization” – in the 1960s and first half of 1970s. The author also examines the driving forces of reform of state socialism in Eastern Europe and the attempts at reforms based on the “Prague Spring” and its destiny. The researcher argues that in order to reform the state socialism, there had to be simultaneous reforms in the economic and political sphere – something that did not happen even during “perestroika”. Only after the 1990 the model “party -state” in Eastern Europe was liquidated.
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The subject of present study is the socio-economic outlook of the Russian emigration to Bulgaria as revealed by the 1920 and 1926 Bulgarian population censuses. The quantitative analysis of these census data gives the opportunity to examine in details Russian emigration’s labor activity, social structure and participation of its labor resources in various sectors, sub-sectors, professional groups and individual crafts of post-war Bulgarian economy and especially to delineate Russian women’s place in Bulgaria labor market, their social role. In the first part of the study investigated the literacy level, economic activity coefficient and sex structure of Russian immigrants’ economic activity, and in the second one – its social structure based on status in employment and occupational distribution within the social groups. Russian immigrants’ (sub)sectoral employment was predetermined by the (sub)sectoral development of the Bulgarian economy in whose structure dominated agriculture, and in industry – light industry (food and textile ones). Despite these realities about half of the Russian immigrants worked in industry, which was due to the post-war boom in some of its branches. In the initial period of their coming to Bulgaria the next in line sector, where they found jobs, was agriculture, but in 1926 we see them in public service- and liberal professions. As it concerns the social structure of the Russian diaspora in Bulgaria within it prevailed the workers – about 70% that was in contrast to the Bulgarian society, where its share was not large (but growing); the proportion of Russian workers in the entire working class in Bulgaria was small (0,6%). Russian workers were most numerous in agriculture and coal mines, but their share was most essential in the construction of roads, bridges and railways, maritime transport, metal mines, salt works, production of vegetable oils, livestock trade. Employees among Russians were around 15% (1926); their relative share within all employees in Bulgaria was much larger – they constituted more than 2% of them. Their biggest share was in the professional groups of dentists and dental technicians (17%), engineers (14%), doctors(12%), musical artists (10%). Independent, self-employees were few in Bulgarian society, among Russians even less – with a downward trend; remarkably, the latter were more in the variation of Russian women than within the one of Russian men. In distinction from the typical for Bulgaria female employment in agriculture, thanks to their high literacy and education, the Russian immigrant women found job performance mainly in public service- and liberal professions, and by mid-1920s they had already entered industrial production.
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Based mainly on personal memories, the author presents the so called School of Young Historians in Primorsko, annually conducted from 1978 till 1999, and the role of M. Isusov in it. All major units of scientific and historical character in the country regularly sent representatives in Primorsko. In this sense, the School was (all-) national. Regularly there were also foreigners – i. e. it was international. It was also interdisciplinary; all the historical disciplines were presented. The school stood out with its free spirit and attracted famous and promising names (such as Zhelyo Zhelev and Georgi Parvanov). It is not only the most durable forum for Bulgarian history (in 22 years the school was held 21 times) – but also the most open minded one.
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After the Liberation the Bulgarian state had a leading role in the development and modernization of the country. The article traces the changes in its institutions and functions in relation to changes in the political system. In the three decades until the First World War it was a parliamentary democracy with moments of deformation of authoritarian type, which was associated with liberal economy and significant socio-economic progress. In the interwar period bourgeois society passed through: an attempt to a left, “rural dictatorship” under the rule of the BZNS (Bulgarian Agrarian National Union); right-authoritarian dictatorship of the People’s Alliance during the government of Alexander Tsankov; restoration of parliamentary democracy under the rule of Andrey Lyapchev and the People’s Bloc; classic authoritarian regime established after the coup of May 19, 1934 and modified in the recovery of important elements of parliamentarianism and the rule of law in the years of the tsarist regime until 1944. Under all regimes, a trend was preserved to strengthen the state’s role as regulator of the economy and social relations, and to increase its contribution to the modernization of the country. After September 9, 1944 Bulgaria was ruled by a dictatorship of the Communist Party within quasi-parliamentary regime. By the end of 1948 totalitarian state was established and by the mid-1950s the totalitarian system of Soviet type was formed. The Party-state implemented expropriation of the means of production, forced collectivization and rapid industrialization, which turned Bulgaria into relatively developed industrial country with a predominantly urban population. The totalitarian system created uncompetitive economy of deficit and lack of motivation for economic activity among citizens deprived of their property and rights. After the collapse of communism in 1989, liberal democratic state began to be built and transition to a market economy on the model of Western democracy has been carried out. This new cycle of modernization of Bulgaria has been quite difficult - an incoherent and incomplete reform process, which has achieved very unsatisfactory results due mainly to the low managerial capacity of the new political elite. Its preference for the use of state power for enriching and privileges creates unproductive business, oligarchic structures and inefficient state without public capacity to provide modern development.
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The article reviews the main proposals in the “Memorandum of the French government for organizing a European Federal Union”, bearing the date May 1, 1930, known also as “Project Brianne”. Bulgarian government received an invitation from the “Quai d’Orsay” to express its opinion on the document. The proposals of the French Prime Minister A. Brianne prompted the press of all political parties and authoritarian nationalist formations to express their attitude not only to “Project Brianne,” but also to evaluate the role of France in international relations in postwar Europe. The author also presents the basic principles and proposals set out in the response of the Bulgarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
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The article traces part of the discussions in Western studies about the meaning of the terms “Americanization” and “Sovietization”. The accents are placed on the impact of the promoted “American values” in Eastern Europe, especially in the USSR. More details are revealed about the mechanisms of influence used by the US Missions in Bulgaria after 1945 such as providing free access to the library of the political representation of the United States; donation of books and movies to various departments of the Sofia University, community centers and even Fatherland Front organizations. By overcoming the crisis in diplomatic relations of February 1950, despite ideological restrictions educational exchanges with the exchange of students, graduate students, and lecturers were restored after 1959. Pro-Western propaganda was also carried out through the activity of Radio “Voice of America”, Radio“Free Europe”, and BBC. The grueling confrontation between East and West gradually provoked ideas for “detente” that removed barriers between the two poles, but also raised requirements for adjustments in the behavior of the superpowers.
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The article is dedicated to the public attitude towards power in the years of state socialism of the Soviet type. The author traces the manifestations of social opposition, kept hidden by the propaganda apparatus of the communist authorities. It is strongest in the initial period of the system during the “people’s democracy” – then confrontation was carried out by the opposition political parties inside and outside the Fatherland Front coalition. This political resistance was demolished through the “People’s Court” and political processes of the 1940s. In the years of “pure Stalinism” (1948–1953), the authorities subdued society through massive repression aiming to impose the ideological supremacy of the Communist Party. Cold War,which divided the world into two, stimulated the development of the only armed anti-communist resistance movement of Gorani, which, however, faded away by mid-1950s. The real positioning of the relation power – society under socialism began to take shape after Stalin’s death, when there was liberalization of the system, which caused a stir in society.In the 1960s, officials were also involved in confronting the power – such examples are the actions of the Group of Kufardzhiev and the conspiracy against Todor Zhivkov organized by the former guerrilla commander Ivan Todorov-Gorunia and Tsvyatko Anev. Growing opposition attitudes increased and at the end of the 1980s led to the creation of dissident movement.
More...България през втората половина на 40-те години на ХХ век
The second half of the 1940s is a crucial transition period in establishing totalitarian control of society. The decor of pluralism and parliamentarism brought specific color in the life of Bulgarians in the first years after September 9, 1944. The Communist Party in Bulgaria,aided by the entry of the Red Army in Bulgaria and the arrangements between the members of the anti-Hitler coalition, actually became ruling political force, but did not immediately establish a dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviet rule. The destruction of the old authority structures was followed by a period of existence of a parallel unregulated power at all levels. The orchestrated political pluralism did not provide for any serious political role for the coalition partners of BRP (k), whose political platforms detached from the historical context, were quite harmless. A side effect in the movement towards a totalitarian society was the emergence of opposition, which briefly stirred Bulgarian political space and created the illusion of political pluralism in the country. The regime defined itself as a “people’s democracy”, but behind the propaganda thesis about the authority practice shows violation of pluralism, constant interference in the internal life of the other parties, strict regulation of all components of public and political life, criminalization of dissent, including the whole society into state organizations working under the ideological and political leadership of the Communist Party. The affirmation of the communist regime was accompanied by the formation of party-bureaucratic class which acquired the status, powers and privileges, access to which remained limited for members of other parties. Corrupting party cadres, sensitive to domestic benefits, began in the first months after September 9 and gradually became a dominant practice that turned into hallmark of the regime and existed until the end of the 1980s.
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After 1989, the name of Nikola Petkov became a symbol of resistance against the authority of the Communist Party. The article is an attempt at an unbiased look at the evolution of his political behavior which occurred in 1944–1945. N. Petkov was a supporter of the Fatherland Front and minister in the government that came to power with the coup on September 9, 1944,but then he became the leader of the strongest opposition party, confronting his yesterday’sallies – the communists. The study traces the facts about this choice of N. Petkov both his personal position and in terms of US policy to Bulgaria at the end of World War II.
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The article analyzes the issue of creating an international commission to control the Danube River after World War II. The issue was raised and discussed in the political talks between the victors on the level of statesmen and diplomats together with the preparation of the peace treaties. Along with this, the diplomats discussed the general principles and waterways in Europe and the revitalization of the movement of river transport for the economic recovery of the European countries.
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The involvement of the intellectual in the real policy questions their ability to be and to act as an intellectual. At the same time as a corrective to the real political, although trumpeted as a value-moral, the intellectual is in the political. Iliya Beshkov is а typical representative of counter-adaptive intellectuals in the period 1944–1945. His cartoons, published in the FF press and especially in “Agricultural flag” and“Policy” (newspapers of the BZNS) are essential historical source for the political tensions between the different parties in those years. It is in this article that three of the cartoons of Iliya Beshkov from 1945 are published and commented for the first time. They reflect a key point in the summer of the same year – “opening” of the multiparty system through official listing of opposition parties.
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