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STANJE NACIJE SAKUPLJANJE KIŠNICE RUDARSKI KANARINAC LJUBAV U PARKU ČVARCI I PIVO
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STANJE NACIJE SAKUPLJANJE KIŠNICE RUDARSKI KANARINAC LJUBAV U PARKU ČVARCI I PIVO
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Skitnicama teško nešto možete narediti. Ne slušaju. Kad bi slušali dobro, ne bi bili skitnice, znali bi se umiliti, odlično bi moljakali, glasali kako treba, birali po narudžbi, bili bi komforno skućene ulizice. Tako je i sa psima. Ako je skitnica, neće doći kad ga zovete i mamite nekom čajnom kobasicom, ne vrti repom kad se vama svidi, ne laje na mjesec, ne laje sela radi, svojeglav je i slobodan, redovno preplašen, sladak i prljav. Takav je bio i Maximilian von der Gondhauzi. Nije bio mješanac, o ne... Zamislite da vas netko zove mješancem? Vaši roditelji se umiješali? Maximilian von der Gondhauzi nije imao pedigre, jer nije imao gazdu. Po ni jednoj fizičkoj karakteristici nije bio spektakularan pas, oko kojeg bi se otimale dokone dame potrošačkog društva, ne bi ga čak pogledale ni nevladine udruge za zaštitu životinja. Maximilian von der Gondhauzi nije bio životinja.
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Niccolò Ammaniti bez sumnje je jedan od najpopularnijih talijanskih pisaca srednje generacije. Dobro ga poznaje i cijeni i hrvatska čitateljska publika jer su gotovo sva njegova djela prevedena u rekordnom roku i na hrvatski jezik.
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Kako opisati čovjeka koji Dobro nosi u imenu? Raspoložen, vedar, zavodljiv, zgodan, umiljat, Muškarac s velikim M na početku i velikim K u sredini riječi... bogat, simbol savjesti i obitelji, nepogrešiv, perfekcionist... Kako opisati Dobroslava Manđurinu, jednog od onih koji zahtijevaju snebivanje?... podilazi drugima iz koristi, pokreće osjećaj krivnje, grabežljivac, sadist... ne udara iz bijesa već hladnokrvno, mora imati žrtvu, ali i glumi žrtvu kad je potrebno, on širi i svoj miris po stanu, obilježava teritorij... diler, švercer, nasilnik, bahat, lažljivac... Dobro Nuši reče Jaki — »ne volim imena koja unaprijed nešto opisuju...«
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Unatoč uvodu, s morem i s ljubavi koju doživljava Nuša, glavna junakinja romana — i to s ljubavi u čak tri njezina pojavna oblika: platonskom, erotskom te partnerskom — kao negativ stoji njezina kći Gala, suprotna punini Nušina života, koji je u cijelosti ostvaren život, i u privatnom i profesionalnom smislu. Unatoč Nušinoj snazi, strasti i zdravom hedonizmu koji se da odčitati iz njezinih postupaka, zbog čega bi se roman mogao nazvati i ljubavnim, zbog drugog najvažnijeg lika, njezine kćeri Gale, on više poprima dimenzije psihodrame.
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Znam samo da sam rekla: čitam sjajnu priču Margaret Duras, Bolest smrti.. Mani je rekla: I ja, upravo sada..., po tko zna koji put. I stalno mislim na Vas, rekla sam joj... jer.., da na koricama knjižice ne piše njezino ime, potpisala bih da je Vaša.
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Suzana Marjanić: Kronotop hrvatskoga performansa. Od Travelera do danas. Udruga Bijeli val, Institut za etnologiju i folkloristiku, Školska knjiga, Zagreb, 2014. Ivan Vidić: Južna država. Vlastita naklada. Zagreb, 2013. Krleža danas, 1893–1981–2011. Priredio Tomislav Sabljak. HAZU, Zagreb, 2012. Zvonko Kovač: Zvon u kiši. Nakladnik Grad Čakovec, 2015. Rade Jarak: Yu puzzle. Profil, Zagreb, 2014.
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Democracy and democratic education are interdependent. Individual rights and sovereignty of a state whose citizen individual is are deeply interwoven. Freedom of a state mirrors in its capability to follow goals that have been elected by the power of its citizens‟ will.
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Poštovane dame i gospodo /Ladies and gentlemen, kolege i prijatelji /Friends and colleagues, profesori, istraživaĉi i dragi studenti / Dear professors, researchers, fellow students, svima koji su danas ovdje želim iskazati zahvalnost i duboko poštovanje za napor koji su poduzeli da se uključe u javno govorenje o jednoj kompleksnoj i nadasve bitnoj temi, direktno vezanoj za državu Bosnu i Hercegovinu i njezin način postojanja u internacionalnoj zajednici.
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The Bosnia and Herzegovina reclaimed the statehood during the Second World War after losing its medieval statehood and being a part of the Ottoman and Austro- Hungarian Empires and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. During the Second World War, a wide and massive national liberation and anti-fascist movement got developed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. That movement served as the birthplace of the Bosnia and Herzegovina‟s statehood. By the power of Decisions of the First ZAVNOBIH1 Session of 1943, Bosnia and Herzegovina established its statehood in the form of an equal federal state unit within the Democratic Federal Yugoslavia. During the socialist era from 1945 to 1990, Bosnia and Herzegovina achieved a high degree of economic, cultural and social development. During socialist period, the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina was reinforced. After the collapse of socialism in Europe and Yugoslavia in 1990, the political pluralization of Bosnia and Herzegovina was carried out. During 1991 and in early 1992 when the Yugoslav dissolution had been ongoing, the multi-party Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina shaped the idea of calling for a citizens referendum on the independent and sovereign status of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results of the referendum of 29 February and 1 March 1992 were the basis for the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the European Union, the United States and many countries around the world. The UN received Bosnia and Herzegovina on 22 May 1992. The Serbian Democratic Party, backed up by the Milosevic regime in Serbia rejected an independent and autonomous development of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in 1995 ended the three and a half aggression against the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Dayton Peace Agreement provisions confirmed and strengthened international and legal subjectivity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-Dayton political development of the Bosnia and Herzegovina‟s is following the historic path of integration into the European Union and NATO. In that regard, reforms enabling the establishment of BH institutions to strengthen the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina are carried out. In this context, the Council of Ministers‟ capacities got strengthened and expanded, a unified armed forces and security services formed, including the Court and Prosecution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. When Bosnia and Herzegovina receives the European Union and NATO membership, its statehood and sovereignty will reach the level of equal sovereigntywith all other European Union member states.
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In the paper author analyzes, by using referential sources and literature, crucial events and processes that affected happenings in Bosnia and Herzegovina from the beginning of SFR Yugoslavia‟s dissolution to the international recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina on 6 April 1992. The special attention is devoted to the situation in internal BH political scene by emphasizing the national goals and means of their achievement.
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This paper researches background and explicit relationships, interactions and discontinuations between classic, modern and globalization theories of state sovereignty, considering the changeable meaning of the often used figure of “the last war”. The knowledge of what we call “the last” war is not the first or the last of what interest us when we systematically consider the more uncertain difference between what we call peace and what we call war. We prove that, what includes the modern studies of state, politics, security, structural violence and negative peace (which is also connected to non-transparent changing of the meaning of sovereignty), is always shifting, depending on the aims and the varying character of the key categories that figure the new transnational descriptions of the new, (disturbed) reality that we arrived to. An idea was developed in the text, that all great concepts from the domain of classic theories of state and law, and afore all concepts such as sovereignty and political representation – need thorough and radical reconstruction. This reconstruction ought to be real and program based. And, in a normative sense, it ought to become more far reaching than in the dispersed theories of “multitude”, especially if we keep in mind the pacifist and security aspects of integrative and disintegrative processes and politics of EU expansion to the East. In what scope have the concepts, such as political, legal, party, parliamentary (re)presentation of population in the post-Dayton ethnomathematical politics (and aggressive politics of symbols), become moot, becomes obvious only when we face the predator attempts of expansion of sovereignty of neighboring states (Serbia and Croatia) on the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where – sometimes concealed or secret – it aggregately negates its independence. The enigma of Bosnian and Herzegovinian sovereignty probably also consists in the fact that this sovereignty, in the global context, is indicated as phantasmagoric, fluid, demonstrational, experiment, laboratory, and most often as an apparition. The core of the issue, however, is the topography of European bureaucratic horror, personalized in the post-Dayton politics of representation, and also the bureaucratic and the “metanarrative” processes within Bosnia and Herzegovina‟s entrance to the European Union.
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The paper‟s methodological basis deals with the issue of legitimacy and defining the titular sovereignty in the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On that trail, the paper studies the problem of categorizing the concept of "sovereign constituent peoples - could there be "sovereign Serbian", "sovereign Croatian" and "sovereign Bosniak" peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and whether or not these terms are justified. Pursuant to the existing sovereignty theories and their practical application, the paper explicitly concludes that individual ethnic groups cannot bear sovereignty, but only in its totality as a political people of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The sovereign rights of Bosnia and Herzegovina are being disrupted, i.e. undermined through the attempts of contesting and dividing it. Global developments - from the Načertanije to Memorandum I or II have always facilitated the undermining of the Bosnia and Herzegovina‟s sovereignty. Vicinal irredentist1 projects at the territorial expense of Bosnia and Herzegovina have essentially functioned in a form of alliance or agreement. This paper provides a brief overview of examples how the BH sovereignty has been undermined in certain historical periods. All periods are connected - they form a part of a process with the sole goal of contesting the sovereignty of Bosnia and Herzegovina; so the neighbors could disintegrate, carve up and divide the BH territory. The aggressive manipulation of the past for the purpose of achieving political goals receives the paper‟s special attention. Those goals involve making changes in the demographic and land ownership structure. In addition to external factors, the internal factors are also active. The main feature running through all periods has been the constant striving of eastern and western vicinal nationalisms to disintegrate Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The paper entitled “Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sovereignity: Postmodern Paradigm?” defines as its goal to question the term sovereignty as it has been profiled in Modern philosophic and political thought that in fact exists today. Reviewing the various sovereignty concepts aims at pointing how it can be perceived as a boundary term containing a unique incompleteness of international orders. The paper‟s second part is going to provide an analysis of the sovereignty concepts found at several contemporary authors (Carl Schmitt and Giorgio Agamben). After formulating the aforestated theoretical framework, the third part observes the BH sovereignty. That segment of paper will try to resolve a question boiling to the one whether is possible to speak about BH sovereignty, taking into regard constitutional and other constraints, through the lenses of a new paradigm of sovereignty. Due to atypical constitutional organization, it is dire need to fortify theoretically the present sovereignty that de iure and de facto does exist through contemporary viewing of sovereignty, not through bygone categories that are antiquated in present social order. This paper attempts to present a possible postmodern theoretical framework for rethinking sovereignty in the specific locus – the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Traditional meaning of the word sovereignty is associated with indisputable authority of the country to legitimately conduct effective control on its territory managing economic, legal, political, cultural and all other aspects of social life in accordance with the internal will and its own interests. However, contemporary understanding of the sovereignty is more complex and it can be noted that modern sovereignty of nation is primarily related to the economic strength in the context of growth and development of economy. The aim of this paper is to review role and importance of the entrepreneurship as a central element of market economy function, which represents one of the crucial requirements on Bosnia- Herzegovinian path towards European Union, Euro-Atlantic and regional integrations. Entrepreneurship as a source of innovation in a society which improves productivity as well as competitiveness is presented in regard to Bosnian- Herzegovinian context focusing on unquestionable correlation with the economic growth and development. Particular attention is dedicated in explanation of entrepreneurial philosophy significance within companies regardless of their size, ownership structure or economic activities as an appropriate recipe of effective management in today´s highly dynamic business environment which is characterized by continuity of changes and rapid development of technology. The pace of future entrepreneurship development in Bosnia and Herzegovina is evaluated, meanwhile institutional and economic elements that potentially represent specific barriers and challenges are identified. Finally, recommendations of economic policy and further actions are highlighted with aim to intensify the development of entrepreneurship as an important pillar of economic growth in Bosnia and Herzegovina and thus strengthening the sovereignty and international influence of the country.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a political framework of living, is sovereign from the full social structure‟s annihilation and forming of a new bipolar structure of wealthy and poor individuals, when taking into account all “modern trends” BiH is involved in, regarding the neoliberal ways of seizing a part of or the entire state sovereignty through the contractual parties‟ power. The BH territorial organization follows the principle “three parts make Bosnia complete” (Filandra, 2012:44), i.e. the idea of territorial nationality. The time will prove will anything remain from the BH historical peculiarity as a whole space and multi-ethnic society. However, the international institutions vouch for its completeness.
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