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Srpska strana rata – Trauma i katarza u istorijskom pamćenju, priredio Nebojša Popov, izd. Republika – Vikom Grafik – Građanska čitaonica, Beograd-Zrenjanin 1996.: XVI+832 str.
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This paper is focused on the comparison of strategy of state-sponsoring of terrorist groups Hamas and Hezbollah by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The strategy is described using five types of support – propaganda and political support, directing the terror, the use of financial leverage, instruction and training, the transfer of weaponry. The primary aim of this text is to clear up the Iranian role in supporting of two chosen Islamic terrorist organization and to explain its differences caused by historical, ideological, political and technical matters to the reader of this article. The text also contains the explanation of the origin, ideological background, political demands and the main terroristic activity of Palestinian Hamas and Lebanese Hezbollah.
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War as a complex adaptive system indicates that effects can have both systematic and accidental causes. In war there are identifiable cause-and-effect relationships, and phenomena we cannot explain based on analytical rationality. Assumptions regarding military effectiveness are as much permissive as they are deterministic/heuristic. Thus, measures of military effectiveness often reflect the sum of individual aggregates rather than collective characteristics. Whatever the conceptualisation, the ability to learn and adapt expressed as military effectiveness appears an important attribute and refers to a certain gap in operational capabilities over time. In this article the author suggests to examine it on the operational level where military effectiveness can be expressed by the concept of fighting power, as in most cases winning wars comes as a result of winning battles.
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This text was published by Slovak Atlantic Commission in July 2010 as a "Policy Paper on Trans-Atlantic Security" - an outcome of the Visegrad Security Cooperation Initiative.
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This article called “The Afghan Mission: The Other Side of the COIN” brings an evaluation of NATO and the Taliban strategies in contemporary Afghanistan. The strategic choice of both actors is researched using the concept of the “centers of gravity” and confronted with a specific situation on the ground. Furthermore, additional attention is paid to the struggle for hearts and minds and its role in NATO’s strategy. The paper is concluded with the determination of a single center of gravity of the NATO-Taliban confrontation which is offered as the evaluation criterion for further steps to be used in the Afghan war.
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Since the terrorist attacks of 11th September 2001 there have been presented a series of opinions, comments and studies examining more or less deeply the roots of the hostile attitudes towards the United States of America (USA). The term “anti-Americanism” has become very fashionable however its genuine essence, historical development and meaning often remain hidden. This study aims to analyze the origins and development of the phenomenon of anti-Americanism in the region of Middle East during the Cold War. The research will be focused on the comparison of the phenomenon in two important regional states – Iran and Saudi Arabia. Concerning the history of last few decades, Saudi Arabia is usually understood as one of the key American Middle Eastern allies, together with Egypt and the State of Israel. In comparison since the Islamic revolution in 1979 Iran has been often presented as American mortal enemy. The truth is that such a simple explanation is not satisfactory. The antagonistic attitudes towards the USA can be observed in both countries. Also, the local anti-Americanism has got quite a long history based on a variety of factors. The research will be based on a statement that the parallels between Iranian and Saudi Arabian negative perceptions of USA can be found despite of their different historical backgrounds.
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The hardly-known but regrettably prevalent phenomenon of child soldiery, which can be considered as a new development of modern warfare, might affect approximately 250,000 – 300,000 children worldwide. According to the estimates, 40% of our planet’s armed forces or armed groups deploy “child combatants” for different tasks, while the international community is still struggling against this form of the abuse of children. The global nature of child soldiery raises many questions in many fields, because it has deep political, social, economic, military, environmental, ethnic and religious etc. roots and far reaching consequences in the so-called Third World. Moreover, if we focus on the African peacekeeping missions of the European Union, child soldiery might also have indirect impacts on the European community. The aim of this study is to offer a comprehensive approach in connection with child soldiery, and pointing out the links between the post-colonial conflicts and this form of human rights breaches.
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In the introduction of the article the author defines ‘Ethos’ and places it in a wide area of research. Next, factors convenient for the formation of ethos of work in Silesia as well as the first research on the subject are presented. The research on ethos of work concentrates firstly on two dominating professions, e.g. miners and glassblowers and then on other professions. The author also defines chronological periods of research and showes the evolution of the attitude towards the mining profession as well as the changes in ethos of work of other groups. In the conclusion the author states her opinion on the research that is far-conducted on ethos of work and points out the research deficiencies.
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The author presents the problem of sociological education at universities and the problem of sociology graduates’ careers. The article reveals the author’s opinion of how young sociologists should be taught and their role in different institutions and workplaces. Gradvates should be prepared for different roles, which defines sociology as social theory directed towards practice. Sociologists should not be educated without a wide social context, because they are especially needed after EU enlargement. Graduate sociologists should work in different branches, but they are often undestimated or ignored by employers, who are afraid discovering something that should stay hidden. Sociologists are also often ignored by other social scholars. The author considers the possibility of repeating the research conducted in the 80s when graduate sociologists were asked about the usefulness of their studies in later professional careers.
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Transformation processes that take place in Silesian Voivodeship have an influence on demographic processes. Formerly, this region used to attract people by employment possibilities (especially in the mining industry). Now adays, it is becoming a place characterized by a high level of emigration scale. In the space of years, population structure by sex and age has changed. We can observe a decrease in percentage of young people of the population, at the same time a percentage of old people increases. Both phenomena accelerate the process of demographic ageing. We can also find mortality tendencies alarming in Silesian population — its level is relatively high. Unfavourable changes in people’s reproduction take place as well. A reduction of birth rate and fertility level are caused by a decreasing number of marriages, postponing marriages and an increasing number of informal relationships. Achieving simple substitutability of generations is not possible because of total fertility rate decreasing. Therefore, restricting people reproduction cannot guarantee a demographical balance. As a result, the population’s strength visibly decreases in Silesian Voivodeship, which is deepened by the adverse migration balance.
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The author describes those aspects of cultural identity which are connected with political identity creation in Upper Silesia. He is interested in regional re-vindications and asks how Silesian cultural and social specificity influences its political identity. He analyses a “special case” of Upper Silesia from an anthropology of politics and sociology of politics perspectives. He indicates those elements of social and cultural life which are the evidence of Silesian uniqueness. Analyzing a special character of Upper Silesia, the author finds its territorial range settlement very difficult. He writes about two important consequences of a strong Silesian cultural identity: first of them is the return to autonomy idea, the second is the acceptance of Silesian nationality as unique. He also mentions “foundation myth” that reinforces Upper Silesian identity. The essence of Silesian exceptionality is considered opposed national and EU politics. The author claims that the consequences of national politics, as well as European Union politics are visible in Silesians’ activity, i.e.: efforts driving to the Silesians association registration, strengthening the sense of Silesians’ cultural separateness (with no political projects), new model of Silesian identity creation, intensive work in identity myth creation. In conclusion, the author puts forward some proposals connected with Silesian Voivodeship status regulations. He writes about Belgian, Spanish and British solutions and postulates the implementation of a new decentralization model: “a variable geometry decentralization”.
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The focus of the paper is situation of women, employed in the coalmine industry and the consequences of the restructuring of mining sector for this group of women. The authors describe the changes of the structure of employment of women taking into account the coalmine sector and labour market outside of this sector, the outplacement solutions addressed to women within the programs of the restructuring of the sector and their consequences for the professional reorientation of women. Discussion about the economic aspects of the problem is followed by the critical reflection about the discriminatory practices associated with the process of deindustrialization, the socio-cultural determinants of the position of women within the “restructuring” discourses changing patterns of femininity and potential consequences of ongoing cultural transformations.
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The article is an attempt to explain the phenomenon of religious fundamentalism that is perceived as a manifestation of globalization. The author shows that the key motive of the fundamentalism that is analysed here solely in the American, protestant version, is the reconstruction of the symbolic order that was violated by global detraditionalization and relativisation. The undermining of cultural norms and rules that have — until now — been taken for granted, calls into question the obviousness of “being-in-the-world”. It violates the sense of ontological security and, as a result, causes anxiety. The author sees that process as Victor Turner’s liminality, where the symbolic structure was scattered, identities were blurred and the temporal order was disrupted. Liminality turns into structure and the latter is reconstructed in a dichotomous mode, as Durkheim, Lévi-Strauss and Mary Douglas showed. Such an effect is clearly visible in multidimensional representations and discourses of the religious fundamentalism, for example in the opposition of “Us” versus “Them”. A sense of security is also rebuilt through a ritual reconstruction of the symbolic, temporal order that is present on the individual (biographical) as well as the collective levels.
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The subject of the article is symbolic places status in Upper Silesia. The author presents typology of significant areas, taking into consideration the perspective of different nations living in the region. He tries to answer the question: Do places chosen from Upper Silesia by Polish and German reflect general canon of national memory? He writes about secular and sacred space. He seeks an area which can be considered as ethnoscape and mentions icons of central cities. In the article, there are references to region’s history.
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The article discusses the matter of the results of the 2002 Polish census when over 173.000 individuals declared themselves to be of the Silesian nationality. The aim of this paper is to present qualitative research conducted in 2007. The article is based on intervievs with people who declared Silesian nationality in 2002. At the beginning of the article the question of nationality in the 2002 Polish census is presented along with a discussion. In the paper there two theoretical perspectives are examined: Benedict Anderson’s and Józef Obrębski’s concepts of an imagined community. In Marek S. Szczepański’s opinion, there are five reasons why people declared the Silesian nationality: real identity and feelings, disappointment caused by industrial restructuring and regionalization, catharsis after socialism, the result of Silesian Autonomy Movement action, and the self-creation of activists. The author examine the motivation of declaring a controversial nationality according to Szczepański’s view.
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In this article the author tries to estimate chances for the borderland of Upper Silesia created by modern European regional politics. From a historical point of view it can be said that there are two kinds of territories, i.e. those playing a central role in the consolidation of adjacent lands (great nations and big countries were created of such territories). The second are called borderlands, where we deal with the lack of both uniformity and centralization. These are known to make a mixture of different elements and cultural influences. Modern Silesian Voivodeship belongs to the second category, in which the problem of integration is currently perceived from a perspective of historical heritage. Thoughtless aspiration to achieve integration at all costs will lead to unnecessary social conflicts as well as arguments in the power elites, but what is the most important it will impoverish the region. Due to considerable regional diversity and transfer of ideas the borderland is seen as culturally attractive, with its dynamic economy and creativity in adopting new patterns of behaviour as well as political visions. Present Silesian Voivodeship is this kind of territory. On the one hand it is an interesting mixture of a national state model, but on the other hand it draws on the experience of historical heritage of patterns, ideas, traditions, which should create a natural bond between inhabitants of common Europe. Although nowadays we talk about chances for the borderland, in the 20th century this region was considered to be problematic. In terms of international relations the region was a controversial issue, which was known as a ‘bleeding border’. As far as domestic politics of both Germany (Kulturkampf ) and later Poland (autonomy, settling accounts with the past after the II World War) are concerned, the borderland was seen as a difficult topic as well. At present, the variety of traditions of European borderland should not be treated as a burden. The development of these regions is dependent on the ability to answer the out-of-date question: Is there a desperate need to integrate (i.e. to unify) those regions into homogeneous national state? The Silesian Voivodeship will make use of this opportunity if the past is seen as a rich multicultural heritage and not as a burden of ‘Silesian tragedy’.
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Family as a fundamental element of social structure is under the influence of incessant changes. Sociological researches on the Silesian family done from the 1960s to date show dynamics of these changes respecting family structure and organization. Recent Silesian family is modified extended family, based on legally accepted marriage with few children, egalitarian, accepting work of married women, educating its children in accordance with more liberal model.
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