BOOK REVIEW. 2014. NATO-EU: A Smarter Collaboration
review of: ------------------ Gabriela Horoşanu. 2014. NATO-EU: A Smarter Collaboration, Bucharest, Tritonic Publishing House, 194 pages, ISBN: 978-606-8571-41-6.
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review of: ------------------ Gabriela Horoşanu. 2014. NATO-EU: A Smarter Collaboration, Bucharest, Tritonic Publishing House, 194 pages, ISBN: 978-606-8571-41-6.
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Miruna Troncotă. 2014. Bosnia and Herzegovina: A Critical Case Study of Europeanization, Bucharest, Tritonic Publishing House, 327 pages, ISBN: 978-606-8571-36-2.
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After the latest European electoral cycle, right wing parties on the far side of the political spectrum along with right-wing euro-sceptics and conservative anti-federalists won 112 seats. The presence of the radical right in the European Parliament (EP), has often been attributed to the second order election model theorised by Reif and Schmitt (1980). In European elections, turnout is traditionally lower compared to “first” order national elections, parties in government tend to lose vote-shares while smaller parties benefit from the European system of proportional representation. This article analyses the relationship between radical parties and the EP by examining the French and Danish results in the 2014 elections. Though both constitute the third political force in their countries at that time, Front National and Dansk Folkeparti’s electoral support is representative of a second order election. The former party benefited from a classic sanction vote while the second one owes its breakthrough to a particular Danish voting behaviour, somewhat singular in the European Union. The article offers an in-depth overview of the literature on both the radical right, the Second Order Election model as well as radical right parties’ dynamic at the European Parliament level.
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Through the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the European Union aimed at offering a stable framework for the development of its neighbouring countries. The Eastern dimension of this policy, the Eastern Partnership, proved to be the catalyst for an unprecedented internal wave of protests. Ukraine, probably the most demanding country in the ENP, has posed a great challenge to this framework. In this article I offer an analysis of those events from the perspective of the EU to show that the factors for these surprising events are rooted in Ukraine’s internal structure. As the conflict in Ukraine is still ongoing at the moment of writing, I complete my analysis with the Minsk 2 agreements. My argument is that the aim to get close to the EU has been motivated by Ukraine’s desire to obtain a political system based on good governance, which was at the same time another goal. I explain the desire to sign the Association Agreement and the deepening of relations with the EU as attempts to ensure that the country would not transform its internal political regime in order to look more like the Russian Federation.
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Sovereignty in terms of international relations suffered profound modifications in globalization era, but still remain the central element of international rule of law. The principle’s level of manifestation is being influenced by the more and more acute interdependencies, being influenced by an important series of factors. National security and national sovereignty represents the fundamental of the international relations morality and are in close interdependency. Economic security as essential factor of national security, which provides the resources and the dynamic balance of the others components, requires creating a social model, as a liaison element between economy and social systems. The correspondence between needs and possibilities subordinates themselves to the respect of human rights and relies on economic development and social cohesion. The economic security, in the core, aims to assure the conditions for maintaining the economic activities operating within normal parameters and the deterrence of the different types of attacks, the most important of them being the financial frauds, strategic dependence, cyber criminality, industrial espionage, corruption and underground economy.
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In an international system characterized by interdependencies, morality and ethics have played over time an important role in determining the relations among actors. These concepts may impose responsibility to actors to respect their interactions and this paper aims to make an analysis on how sovereignty is affected by morality and ethics as instruments of interventions in conflict areas.
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The rise of emerging powers is challenging the current traditional world order dominated by the Western powers. Countries like the ones in the BRICS claim a greater role in the formulation of international politics and in the main international institutions based on their increased economic power. This paper aims to analyze their perspectives on humanitarian interventions and Responsibility to Protect. The BRICS are traditional countries in terms of state sovereignty and rejected the concept from the beginning (2001). In 2005, the five countries signed for the implementation of the concept and agree with the first two pillars of the concept, but disagree with the implementation of the third pillar, the actual military interventions
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This article emphasizes some key aspects of sovereignty in a brief synchronic analysis, insisting on the dynamic denotations the concept has in the actual global framework. Aspects related to asymmetric interactions of the migrants with the host society in a rather cosmopolitan world, where the nation-state is only one of the omnifarious actors involved in the policy- and decision making process are underlined, primarily in constructivist terms
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This paper takes into discussion the proposal of establishing, into a progressive manner, of a Common European Army, an institution having a collective defense role, imposing the European interests and maintaining the European unity, in the context in which the member states of the EU want to maintain their distinct elements that belonged to the national sovereignty. Or, the army meaning is - beyond its role of “leading the struggle” – “national sovereignty”. In order to sustain its international role – maybe, to increase it – EU needs a deeper integration of the member states and it must create institutions capable to design its interests internationally. The establishment both of Common Foreign and Security Policy and of the European External Action Service is an insufficient approach, as long as it has no real elements able to achieve its objectives. According to these general considerations, the paper aims to identify which could be the relation between the existence of a common European army and the sovereignty of member states, taking into account the socio-cultural context of partners within the EU and, especially, the new challenges that EU will have to face and to solve in the next period.
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This paper tries to shed some light on the aspects in regard to the principle of sovereignty and the right to self-determination as decisive elements in the course of the Nagorno-Karabakh war. Defining sovereignty and the right to self-determination as well as linking them to the conflict in Transcaucasia is the first part of this paper. Likewise, the reactions of the Azeri government and civil society are also analysed, as well as the factors which influenced the outcome of the conflict. Simultaneously, we shall analyse how the structure of the political power of the two states was formed as a result of the conflict in Mountainous Karabakh. Last but not least, the relation between the central leadership of the USSR with Azerbaijan and Armenia will be analyzed.
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Although perceptible since 1957, the Sino-Soviet ideological disputes became public only in 1960. The main bilateral ideological dissensions were ignited by topics such as: the significance of the 20th Congress of the CPSU for the international communist movement, the nature of the contemporary era, questions of war and peace, the doctrine of peaceful coexistence and the forms of transition from capitalism to socialism. Based on a series of inedited and edited documents, the present paper aims at recollecting the main ideological divergences manifested between the CPSU and the CCP at the beginning of the 1960s.
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Taking back the classic interpretation of the concept of sovereignty, the paper aims to analyze this concept in the light of the terrorist group ISIS. Methodologically speaking the analysis is based on content analysis tool. Starting with a discussion related to the concept of sovereignty and terrorism, and after a brief history of this group, the paper focuses on how the idea of sovereignty is reflected in the recently promoted magazine of the Islamic State group.
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The third millennium A.D. was expected to bring peace and to solve many of humankind’s problems, from security to health or environment - to name a few. Instead, a black day came in the history of mankind (as Pope John Paul II once called 9/11) and the dogs of war have been once again unleashed, starting a sequence of events that lead to chaos in the Middle East and the establishment of ISIL. This paper approaches two of the most important events of the beginning of the 21st century, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the war(s) on terror, from the perspective of the just war theory and tradition. The most important finding is that both the ‘Al-Qaeda terrorism’ and the ‘war on terror’ are not justified even by the standards imposed by the Catholic Catechism or the Qu’ran regarding the just cause for waging warfare. However, a traditional characteristic of state sovereignty (waging war) is no longer exclusively associated with the nation-state. It is already shared with non-state actors aspiring more or less to statehood
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Only a few characters of ancient history are idolized and idealized such as Spartacus. The story of the rebel who humiliated the powerful Roman legions inspired people from different cultural background, from eighteenth century and ending with the twenty-one century. Over time, the representation of Spartacus has undergone dramatic changes – it evolves from historical figure to legend, and, moreover are assigned the features of a mythical hero. The image most people have of Spartacus comes mainly from cinema, where he is depicted as a hero who fights against corruption and slavery. The aim of this paper is to track the stages through wich the story of Spartacus passses from historical fact to legend.
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The study follows the particular case of an Moldavian boyar, Vasco Barinovski, a refugee in Poland at the end of the 15th century. The reason that prompted him to leave Moldavia is a sentimental drama; he was divorced by his wife against his wish. In matrimonial matters, even in those involving boyars, the Moldavian ruler had great power and his decision could be even against to the ecclesiastic law. The asylum offered by the Polish king to Vasco Barinovski became a dispute in Moldavian-Polish relations. Even when Vasco obtained the status of nobility in Poland, Stephen the Great continued to ask the refugee’s rendition. In 1509, Vasco played an important role during the Polish military expedition in Moldavia, when a great number of Moldavian boyars were captured. On this occasion, Vasco get his revenge, killing the boyar married with his former wife. Other aspects regard Vasco Barinowski’s successors and his possible position as ancestor of Moldavian ruler, Miron Barnovski.
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Through this paper, we brought to light a great deal of new information regarding the relations between The Monastery of the Three Hierarchs in Iaşi – founded by Vasile Lupu – and Mount Athos, using mainly unpublished documents within the Romanian archive of the Protaton. Hence, we made o list of the abbots (26 abbots, but the list is still open), a list of the estates (approximately 44, in several counties of Moldavia), and a list of the establishments submitted to The Monastery of the Three Hierarchs, based on documents within the Protaton archive.
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Travelling from south of the Danube with trading affairs in the second half of the 17th century, Panaiotache Morona, like many others like him, sought to make a living in the Principality east of the Carpathians. After two marriages with the daughters of boyars, he entered the vast kinship network of the Moldavian elite, with whom he stayed for better or worse, being involved in all the events of the time. Relations with Constantinople and his Greek and Turkish language skills helped Panaiotache to advance to the office of Great Chamberlain (”mare postelic”), thus taking advantage of every opportunity to achieve his goals. He plotted, wandered, betrayed his Lord and his relatives, he was confidant of some princes, but also felt the thrill of prison, where he perished being strangled at the command of prince Mihai Racoviţă.
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This research is a development of a previous one, in which I foresaw the possibility of enlarging genealogical perspective and a new way of entering the world of merchants of Iasi from the 17th and 18th century. Since then I noted that Coste Papafil, an active character in the political and economic life of Iasi from the second half of the 18th century, who got related, through marriage to a daughter of merchant Lupaşco Tuduri, with an old family of grocery merchants, whose first member can be identified in the second half of the 17th century. If when I insisted on Coste Papafil we focused on the merchants who brought to Moldova goods from the fair in Liepzig, from Central Europe, whose type of merchandise better reflects the economic repositioning that will take place in the second half of the 18th century, this time we will bring forward the grocery merchants who brought goods from the Orient. On first impression, the economic environment outlined at the beginning of the study, characterized by an emphasis on the inclusion of this area in the Ottoman economic system, seems to have been favorable to some categories of merchants specialized in trading oriental goods among them finding the grocers.Regarding the documentary sources used, since these are merchants of Iasi, we used the ten volumes of documents on the history of Iaşi published by Ioan Caproşu. Then, to these documents were added a number of unedited documents, which are kept in the funds Documents and Mitropolia Moldovei from the Archives of Iasi and also several acts regarding Documents from the Romanian Academy Library in Bucharest.
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The author publishes three Romanian documents from a private collection, once belonging to the Metochion of the Holy Sepulchre's archive in Constantinople. The 17th and 19th century documents were among the papers of estates owned by Moldavian monasteries dedicated to the Holy Sepulchre.
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From the rich Romanian archive within the Dochiariou Monastery on Mount Athos, we have chosen to publish 65 documents from the period 1679–1688, of which 46 using the original, 18 using abstracts of the original and the copies of manuscript no. 314 of the National Archives of Bucharest (register of “Slobozia lui Enache” Monastery), and one using the copy of the same manuscript. These documents concern the relations between Walachia and the Dochiariou Monastery on Mount Athos, as well as the wealth gathered by the “Slobozia lui Enache” and the “Apostolache” monasteries, both submitted to the Athonite monastery. The documents published now contain interesting information, which complete the histories of the three Romanian monasteries (two within the country and one on Mount Athos) and even the history of Walachia. Furthermore, they increase the number of documents published belonging to the reign of Şerban Cantacuzino.
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