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ABSTRACT: Seal Patterns and Impressions Representing the Guilds of Crişiana and Maramureş (17th-19th Centuries). Besides other specific aspects, the investigation of the activity of craft guilds has in view the seal they used. The heraldic symbol adopted by every guild is usually connected to their occupation, to the product/object of their work. The present study reviews 48 seal images (27 seal patterns and 21 impressions) which belonged to various guilds from Crişana and Maramureş (in the North-West of Romania, the counties of Arad, Bihor, Maramureş, Satu Mare and Sălaj), most of them dating from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. They also represent a valuable source for the research dedicated to heraldry and economic history.
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Notes on Ion Creangă's Literary Work in the Contemporary Transylvanian Press. Ion Creangă's literary work, widely read among the Transylvanian Romanians, was repeatedly praised by the press of this province. After the writer's death in 1889, the Transylvanian literary-cultural periodicals also drew the attention on the endeavors to editing the complete works of the writer Ion Creangă.
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ABSTRACT: The Myth of the "Good Emperor" in Transylvania in 1848-1849. Following the establishment of the Habsburg rule in Transylvania (the end of the seventeenth century) and the Theresian and Josephinist reforms, the Transylvanian peasantry, and especially the Romanian one, developed the myth of the "good emperor". It functioned during Horea's uprising and, afterwards, in the 1848-1849 revolution. Due to the political manoeuvres of the Vienna Court, concerned in gaining the support of the Hungarian political circles, the national-political interests of the Romanians were left aside, and, consequently, we witness the gradual erosion of the myth of the "good Habsburg emperor".
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Zusammenfassung. Die evolution der bevölkerung und des siedlungsnetzes in siebenbürgen zwischen 1880 – 1910. Der Aufsatz beinhaltet eine statistische Analyse der Daten zur Evolution der Bevölkerung und des Siedlungsnetzes in Siebenbürgen, anhand der Bestandaufnahmen anlässlich der Volkszählungen aus den Jahren 1880, 1900 und 1910, als das Gebiet zur ungarischen Monarchie gehörte. Die Anwendung der statistischen Instrumente war möglich geworden dank der beruflichen Tätigkeit der Autoren - die eine Ausbildung als Soziologen und Statistiker haben. In einem ersten Schritt haben sie die Daten der damaligen Volkszählungen bearbeitet. Die Bearbeitung bestand in der Übertragung der Daten der angegebenen Volkszählungen auf die Struktur des jetzigen Verwaltungseinheitennetzes (Siedlungen, Gemeinde/ Städte, Grosskreise). Durch dieses Vorgehen enstand eine Datei aus der hier nur ein kleiner Teil verwendet wurde, und zwar der Teil der anzeigt wie sich die Bevölkerung, die Anzahl der Siedlungen, deren geografische Grösse, sowie das Verhältnis zwischen Bevölkerung/Häuser (Höfe), sowohl insgesamt im Raum Siebenbürgen, als auch teritoriell differenziert, entwickelt hat.
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The Debate Upon the Legal Status of the Jews in the Romanian Parliament. The present paper aims at discussing the aspects concerning the final regulation of the legal status of the Romanian Jews as mirrored in the debates of the highest legislative body of the country, the Romanian Parliament. In the period under discussion, one may speak about a worsening of the legal status of the Romanian Jews, evolution marked by three crucial moments: the St. Germain Treaty with Austria (September 10, 1919) including the Treaty for the Minorities (December 9, 1919); the Romanian Constitution of 1923 and the Mârzescu Laws of February 1924. The paper emphasizes the endeavors of the Union of the Land Jews to get the insertion of article 7 of the Minorities Treaty in the Constitution, the interventions of the Jewish senators and members of the Parliament and the reaction of the Jewish press. The legal status of the Romanian Jews found its solution in the final text of article 133 of the Constitution, which ratified the Brătianu Laws as well as the body of previous naturalization decrees.
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ABSTRACT: Haskalah: The Jewish Enlightenment (1750-1880). The present paper attempts at a brief survey of the Haskalah movement (the Jewish Enlightenment), starting with its origins in Moses Mendelssohn's Berlin, at the middle of the 18th century, passing through the Austrian Empire to Russia, where it reached its climax and came to an end with the rise of Zionist and socialist ideas. Undermining the theological bases of separatism, calling into question the conventions and institutions of the traditional Jewish society, the critical spirit, the rationalism and universalism of the Enlightenment claimed a redefinition of the Jewish identity in the light of its self-perception and of the relationship with the surrounding societies. The present paper attempts at delineating the most significant elements of movement that developed within different socio-economic and political contexts, throughout a century, chiefly focussing on the cultural achievements.
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L'evoluzione storiografica della storia dell'architettura cistercense è caratterizzata dalla successione di due grandi tappe. Il confine tra questi periodi è rappresentato dalle produzioni storiografiche degli anni cinquanta, quali hanno il significato di un vero cambiamento nell'intera interpretazione dell'architettura cistercense.
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ABSTRACT: The Reestablishment of the Bishopric of Vad, Feleac and Cluj (1919). After the Great Unification of December 1, 1918 and the consolidation of the Romanian State, a lot of injustices were set to rights, one of them being the reestablishment of the Bishopric of Vad, Feleac and Cluj in Cluj-Napoca, a bishopric that was conceived as the rightful successor of the older bishoprics of Vad and Feleac, as well as a historical and religious necessity. The new bishopric was to include 16 regions, with a number of 465 parishes and about 260,000 congregants. Only on June 22, 1921, the Romanian Parliament voted the law, made up of one article that stipulated: "The old bishopric of Vad, Feleac and Cluj is reestablished on the territory delineated by the National Ecclesiastic Congress of Transylvania, with residence seat in Cluj-Napoca". The law was sanctioned by the royal decree no. 3235, issued on July 18, 1921. All legal conditions being fulfilled, the election of a bishop was made possible, so that the Metropolitan Bishop of Transylvania and the Ecclesiastic Council summoned the Elective Synod in the Orthodox Church of Cluj-Napoca on September 28. According to the stipulations of the "Organic Statute", paragraphs 99-103, the Synod appointed archimandrite Nicolae Ivan bishop of Cluj.Nicolae Ivan's appointment was sanctioned by a royal decree, issued on October 22, 1921. He was invested on November 21/December 4, 1921 and officially installed on December 6/19, 1921, an event attended by a lot of officials and people. Being aware of his great many responsibilities as bishop, Nicolae Ivan defined his standpoint in this way: "Our belief is that, at both spiritual and material level, light dispels darkness" and, therefore, "all evils of nowadays society must be seen through our love" so that they should be corrected not only through "good words", but also by evangelical devotion. His main concern was to develop the bishopric, to set up central and local bodies, to supervise the election of representatives in the council and in the "Adunarea Eparhială" (the legal council). The bishop deserves to be ranked among the outstanding Romanian men of culture because, after the Great Union of all Romanians, he erected in the heart of Transylvania a lot of edifices, mostly with limited financial resources. He was a bishop who knew how to "build" people first, to help them lead a Christian life. He lived for the people, fought for justice and taught people to believe in freedom, light and dignity that came from God.
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The traditional good relations between the Romanian State and Vatican had begun to be called into question before the official denunciation of the Concordat, in July 1948. At the same time, premonitory signs of deep changes in the life of the two Catholic denominations of Romania - the Greek and the Roman Catholic - had also become manifest before July, in December 1948.
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This paper deals with the question of political and human/minority rights in the region of Kosovo & Metohija ten years after the „March Pogrom 2004“ and fifteen years after the NATO’s military aggression on Serbia and Montenegro and occupation of the region. An importance of this research topic is in a fact that for the first time in the European history a terrorist-style and mafia-ruled (quasi)independent state was created by a full diplomatic, political, economic, military and financial sponsorship by the West under the umbrella of the NATO’s and the EU’s protective administration. The precedence of Kosovo’s self-proclaimed independence in February 2008 already had several negative „domino effect“ consequences elsewhere in Europe (the Caucasus, the Crimean Peninsula...). The aim of the paper is to present a current situation in Kosovo & Metohija and possible consequences of the Kosovo case for the international relations and the post-Cold War world’s order. In this short analysis of the situation in present-day Kosovo & Metohija, in order to realize our research goal we used the comparative method, the method of analysis of the text and the method of the mutual complement of the data from the sources and literature.
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With the entry into force of the Statute of the Hague Tribunale on May 1993, a new branch of criminal law finally live – international criminal law. International criminal law as a system of legal rules contained in the documents of international community and in the documents of national (internal) criminal law provides for criminal liability and punishment for a great number of international crimes. These crimes are acts of breaking war laws and rules of warfare (international humanitarian law) and also they are the acts of harming or imperiling the peace among nations and the security of mankind. These are next crimes: genocide, crime against humanity, war crimes and crime of aggression. For these acts there are provided most severe penalties and measures of punishment known in the criminal law today. For perpetrators of these crimes in certain cases the primary jurisdiction is the one of international criminal court (supra- national) authorities, such as f.е. Nuremberg or Tokyo military Tribunal, Hague Tribunal, the Criminal court of Rome, etc. This paper analyzes the international crimes stated in the Hague Statute of the International criminal court, in order to be able to fully consider the characteristics of these crimes which are otherwise provided in the provisions of the new criminal legislation of Republic of Serbia adopted in 2005.
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The aim of this analysis is to determine whether the Republic of Serbia has appropriate administrative mechanisms for resolving disputes related to the electoral right, and in connection thereof, to provide specific recommendations for improving the protection of the right, if necessary. The Analysis refers to the election dispute resolution system during the election period which includes various activities, such as electoral activities and activities before the election day, polling day activities and activities after the closure of polling stations, or more precisely, during determination/ counting and announcement of election results. The analysis shows that the Administrative Dispute Resolution System in Serbia has numerous deficiencies. Based on the analysis, the following should be considered in the future: 1) Adopt a new legal framework that would apply to elections at all levels of government and regulate particularly accurately the procedures for the protection of electoral rights - forms and deadlines for initiating procedures, deadlines for solving cases, observance of adversarial principle and ensuring the publicity of procedures, etc. 2) Consider proposals not to hold elections at different levels of government at the same time, not because of political implication, bud to avoid excessive overloading of the mechanism for electoral dispute resolution in cases of concurrent election for different levels of government; 3) Harmonise administrative procedures conduced before the competent electoral commissions and the Administrative Court, improve the existing legislation and further define the precise legal nature of these procedures; 4) Not to allow the annulment of elections for meaningless and irrelevant reasons (such as the use of mobile phones at polling stations, some posters that have remained within 50 meters of the polling station etc); 5) Consider the issue of the right of access to the Administrative Court and consider introducing a two-tier administrative judiciary in Serbia, because it seems inadequate to have only one court in the entire territory of Serbia, which deals with administrative disputes, in particular electoral disputes.
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In this paper, we analyze the highly complex phenomenon of corruption in terms of its impact on economic development. This paper shows how great endemic corruption, which is present in Serbia, is especially damaging to the economy and society, destroying the institutions of the system and hindering economic growth. It is analyzing the extent of the negative impact of corruption on investment and growth, as well as the effects of corruption on the business performance of companies that carry out bribery. In particular, it is conclusively established that corruption reduces tax revenues, increases expenditures of public services and wrongly diverts resources to the private sector. It is established the negative correlation between corruption and growth. If the corruption is put under control of the official state institutions and in that way it works for the benefit of particular rather than the general interest of society, then there is a condition which the World Bank defines as “state capture”. The paper contains a review of some examples of quantifying economic effects of corruption, which indicate that corruption is an additional tax on that foreign investors are very sensitive. Increase corruption by one point on a scale of 1 to 10, means reduction in foreign direct investment by 16%. One of the questions that this paper deals with is the assessment of the effects of corruption on the business performance of companies that carry out bribery. In connection with this, corruption is associated with a set of political and regulatory factors such as the size of the public sector, autocratic government, low regulation and low economic competition, as well as a set of cultural variables, such as the low level of public trust, no protestant population, etc.
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In public opinion survey in the EU since 2009, from 75 to 79 percent of the respondents believe that the main problem of the EU is not an economic crisis and unemployment, but corruption. According to the latest survey of “Eurobarometar” from the 2012, 74 percent of EU citizens perceived the growth of corruption. But, especially discouraging is the attitude of the majority of citizens of the Union that victory over corruption is not possible (70 percent), and 67 percent of Europeans believe that corruption is part of the business and culture of each country. Because it is not rare that the authors conclude: “It is safe to determine that today’s corruption is a global phenomenon and one of the biggest problems of our time and modern society in general”. Respondents are, among the corrupt professionals in EU, beside politicians appointed police (30 percent of respondents said they had paid a bribe), state clerks (one-fifth of respondents stated that they gave a bribe to get the decisions or solutions), judges (14 percent), followed by physicians and market inspectors. Corruption as a concept and as a practice occurs only in the second half of the XX century, exactly with the development of de mocracy after World War II. In this period corporations, especially on the West, began corruption process of state clerks, but entry in the globalization era, this social harmful phenomenon affects negatively on the development many countries and nations. In the opinion of some authors, corruption is “normal activity in capitalism”, from which it is possible deliverance only “with breakdown of the system”, because as time passes, corruption is only increasing.
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The changes that have affected most of the former socialistic countries also include the media field. The transition of media system should be the possibility for getting closer to realization of democratic standards in the public sphere and thereby support of the overall transition and democratization. The main goal, however, is often compromised by problems which are also recognized in developed countries that did not belong to the world of socialism. Occurrences such as commercialization, consumerism, concentration of ownership, the fragmentation of the audience and many other have largely been serious temptations for the transitional media systems. Overemphasizing the market within the neo-liberal conception of development, leads to such phenomena in the media sphere which results in placing business impact, that is profit, before the public interest and promotion of the fundamental values of society. The path which, countries in transition have so far crossed, contains many examples that in these countries the above mentioned problems occur, often with more serious consequences than in more developed countries. The low level of total material development, weak markets, poor media, insufficient implementation of legislation have all enhanced the negative effects of commercialization, concentration or sharing of the audience. The influence of large global and European media groups in markets of transitional countries hasn’t brought, in general, positive effects that have been announced but has mostly contributed to lack of transparency and concentration of ownership, with the dominance of low-quality content. Most of the media supply is a kind of confection of the media industry, standardized, uniformed formats that do not increase but drastically reduce a pluralism of content. Possible solutions for the media systems in transition are careful regulatory intervention with elements of co-regulation, serious democratic and professional control of media activities by regulatory and self-regulatory bodies, systematic social media boost that affirm most important social values, in other words, the consistent application of the rules of modern democratic regulation and self-regulation.
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The national interest is one of the most complex and difficult to define concepts in contemporary political theory and international relations theory. Previous scientific researches and shaping the concept of national interest, indicate that it cannot be observed just theoretically, therefore the most influential representatives of political theory and international relations theory consider it a tool for political analysis as well as the means of political action at the same time. Evolving along with other key concepts of political theory (power, authority, security, etc.)., the concept of national interest has many traditional definitions and contemporary theoretical ranges of understanding of its meaning, which follow its various and diverse classifications. On that path, taking into account the complex and turbulent changes in contemporary international political reality and new achievements of political theory, the concept of national interest remains one of the central themes of modern political thought today and social sciences as a whole. What is certain is that the national interest is objective and subjective category at the same time, it is conditioned by the concept of power (the amount of power that a state has over other countries) and values (which members of the state - all citizens strive for). The main function of the national interest that is defined this way is to encourage the discussion of political decision makers about what the foreign policy strategy of their country should be in a particular context and time.
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In times of Civil War in the United States of America, the rules of warfare had been codified for the first time in a comprehensive, global manner within the document under the name of General Orders No. 100. (War Department, Adjutant General’s Office, Washington, April 24, 1863) – Instructions for the Government of Armies of the United States in the Field, more widely known as Lieber Code, dubbed by its’ creator’s surname. For a century and a half this document represents an inevitable literature for the numerous researchers who study legal rules applicable at armed conflicts and situations that are direct consequences of armed conflicts. Furthermore, a significant influence of Lieber Code on latter codifications is quite noticeable and certain notions, defined in Lieber Code, has not been defined better, more completely or clearly even to present day. Although it was primarily dedicated to codifying warfare rules, this code comprises, for the time when it was written, a significant body of humanitarian and legal rules, naturally adjusted to the understanding of humanity in the second half of the nineteenth century.
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Through the central discussion of this paper, which is focused around the history of the bicameral Parliament in Serbia and Yugoslavia, the authors try to answer the question whether this type of parliamentary organization can solve the problem of deep-rooted misunderstanding between the elite and the people, or citizens, in Serbian society today. This paper provides chronologically processed and politico-sociologically analyzed episodes of bicameralism in 19th century Serbia and federal Yugoslavia. In this paper, the theme of Serbian political culture was a framework from which explanations about the inability of evolutionary development of institutions and democracy have been drawn. Hence the continuing conflict between the elite and the people due to which all parliamentary forms and institutional arrangements in Serbia are unstable and apparently incomplete. In the context of bicameralism the authors examine how the shape of a bicameral parliament contributed to or reduced the level of conceptual misunderstanding between the elite and the people in Serbia. Conclusions on the institutional structure and design of the Serbian state indicate that it was kept within the narrow and particular interests of political groups which in synergy with anarchic political culture and great socio- ideological divides, made it impossible to solve the problem of institutional design on a long term basis and in a sustainable manner. The behavior of political elites throughout Serbian history has widened the gap between the elite and the people and disabled the opportunity of establishing a legitimate and a well-functioning parliament.
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