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The following review article deals with the dilettantish attempts of cAbdal-Ḥaqq Fāḍil to connect German and Arabic in the sense of genetic language relationship. The author of the book under review is neither able to clarify whether he means “German” or “Germanic”, nor whether he wants to postulate Arabic as a kind of worldproto-language or to create a new language family. In addition, he ignores all well-known Lautgesetze (sound laws) as well as all researches in the field of historical linguistics of the last two hundred years.
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In 2006 Thomas O. Lambdin brought out An Introduction to the Gothic Language. Every lesson is followed by vocabulary notes that include etymologies. Most of them were borrowed from well-known dictionaries, but a few are new. The paper contains comments on those etymologies.
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Some methodological problems of a new dictionary project are discussed here. It is also argued against the suggestion that the Ukrainian word banuš ‘a sort of mamaliga’ is a derivative of Turkish bal ‘honey’.
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Gretel Adorno: Walter Benjamin. Briefwechsel 1930-1940. Herausgegeben von Christoph Gödde und Henri Lonitz. Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp Verlag 2005, 434 S. Hans Keilson: Romane und Erzählungen, Gedichte und Essays. Hg. Von Heinrich Detering und Gerhard Kurz. S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2005, 2 Bände, 587 u. 511 S. Jews in the bulgarian lands. Ancestral Memory and Historical Destiny, Emmy Barouh (ed.), Judaica Bulgarica, International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations, Sofia 2001 (ISBN 954-8872-35-8) Moshe Zimmermann, Deutsch-jüdische Vergangenheit: Der Judenhaß als Herausforderung. Paderborn, München, Wien, Zürich, Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag 2005, 308 S.
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Well into the 1990s, the scholarly discourse on the relationship between Jews and Christians in the Middle Ages was generally approached from two directions, both heavily infl uenced by ideology and largely mutually exclusive: One position can be characterized somewhat simplistically by the term of ”symbiosis”. It presupposes a more or less undisturbed co-existence of Jews and Christians and a Jewish participation in Christian culture. This position was generally favoured by the representatives of the ”Wissenschaft des Judentums” in the late 19th and early 20th century. The other position is opposed to this concept. Representatives of this position stress the total isolation of the Jews in the context of a Christian culture. Some scholars maintain that this isolation resulted from the hostility of the Christian world; others also emphasize a self-imposed isolation. An example is the statement of Michael TOCH in his introduction to the history of the Jews in medieval Germany (1998): “For the a very long time two opposing and mutually exclusive positions, each infl uenced by a different world view, have dominated the way in which we view the relationship between Christians and Jews in the Middle Ages. The fi rst position is characterized by the concept of confl ict and holds that Jews were largely, if not completely, isolated - an isolation that, depending upon the observer’s starting point, was either self infl icted or seen to have been imposed by an antagonistic environment. (...)
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During the outbreak of the so-called “Solidarity” revolution in Poland in 1980, Czechoslovakia took an unambiguously negative position towards this movement. This is not at all surprising. However, it is significant that the party and state representatives of Czechoslovakia also adopted a very negative position towards the government of neighbouring Poland after the famous August agreement between representatives of the government and striking workers on the Baltic coast. The situation in Poland, for which the Polish United Workers’ Party still bore responsibility, was subjected to very sharp and uncompromising criticism in Czechoslovakia. The author also devotes attention to the considerations and preparations for military intervention in Poland by the USSR, East Germany and Czechoslovakia in 1980.
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This study is concerned with the confrontation between the Habsburg state police and the widespread secret Italian Carbonari movement after the Congress of Vienna. One side had the aim of securing the status quo in the multi-national Austrian Empire, while the other aimed at the creation of a united Italian state. A wide range of police methods are presented, starting with the organization of the police institutions in the Kingdom of Lombardy and Venetia (the General Police Directorates and Post Offices in Milan and Venice), and continuing with the reports of Austrian representatives abroad and cooperation with the individual Italian governments, expressed in rigorous passport, censorship and police regulations and measures. These methods ended with attempts to eliminate real and possible representatives of the opposition, either legally as in the cases of Pellico, Confalonieri or Maroncelli or in some cases arbitrarily as with Maghella.
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The essay looks at how the historiography of some of our former "Western colleagues" dealt with the questions of the Holocaust in the framework of the several sub-contexts of the Second World War, such as the settlement policy of the Third Reich in Eastern Europe, the process of implementing orders on the level of higher and lower military commanders and its influence on the implementation of the "final solution" or the influence of economic and ideological factors on the "final solution". The article describes various currents and trends in the historio-graphy of the holocaust with the aim of pointing to perspectives and levels not considered by Slovak historiography up to now.
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The last five decades of the existence of the Ottoman Empire were marked by debates about the future of the Empire. An important part of these was the formulation of a new ideal of childhood, motherhood and fatherhood in harmony with the needs of Ottoman society as defined by its intellectuals. The discourse of progress on which the modernization projects of the reformists were based, meant substantial changes in the perception of the role of the youngest generation in building the new future of the Empire. This was reflected in the emphasis placed on education and discipline. The values of individualism contributed to a redefinition of the child as a unique individual. It is possible to state that the given period meant a substantial turning point in the direction of seeing the child as the future modern citizen.
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The aim of the study is to examine, on the basis of documents in the National Archives of the CzechRepublic, the final part of the process of economic reform developed in Czechoslovakia almost from the beginning of the 1960s. After the invasion of the occupation armies in August 1968, its end was definitively decided, in spite of the fact that there was still some verbal support for the continued development of the economic reform and some space for the presentation of theoretical views that were not in harmony with the official policy. In this period during 1968, as well as during the so-called pre-spring, Slovak economists formulated some interesting views.
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Only a few Slovak writers and publicists have remained engraved in the minds of their readers, friends and contemporaries so directly and in such dramatic contrasts as Ladislav Mňačko. It is not surprising that he was one of the most famous Slovak writers and journalists of the 20th century. Nonetheless, not enough attention has been devoted to him from either the historical or literary points of view. Ladislav Mňačko ought to be judged in a wider context with respect to the specific historical time period in which he lived and created. The works “Death’s name is Engelchen”, “This is what power feels like”, “Belated reportages” and “Where the dust roads end” made him famous. He commenced his literary career as a journalist, first he worked as an editor in Rudé právo in Prague, Pravda in Bratislava and twice he was editor-in-chief of the legendary Kultúrny život in Bratislava. He was born at Valašské Klobouky in Moravia, but grew up at Martin, in Slovakia. He was brought up in a proletarian colony, which marked him for life and he became a passionate communist before later changing into one of the greatest critics and opponents of the socialist society. He was feared by the top party officials who he continually criticized. In 1967 he emigrated to Israel, and Czecho-Slovakia stripped him of his state citizenship, took away all his degrees and honours and excluded him from the Writers’ Association. Even though he was rehabilitated later and received satisfaction, in 1968 he emigrated and settled in nearby Austria to protest against the entry of the allied armies into Czecho-Slovakia. Following November 1989 he did not hesitate for long and returned home to Slovakia, because even then, despite his age and experience, he was not indifferent to anything in our society. The restless journalist was awakened and there was no area influencing society, politics and the morals of citizens he would not touch. In his articles there were erudition, life experience joined with life-long dreams and wishes and one could sense the heart of a person who was searching for truth all his life when reading them. The article deals with the activities of Ladislav Mňačko in his struggle against the communist regime especially in the time period when he became the editor-in-chief of the most prestigious Slovak newspaper Kultúrny život for the second time and when his books “Belated reportages” and “This is what power feels like” were published in the West and had a significant response not only in his native Czechoslovakia.
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On 10th April 1941 the Independent Croat State (NDH) was proclaimed in Zagreb. Slovakia recognized NDH five days later. Croatia and Slovakia were interested in closer cooperation. However, NDH was too weak. The dreams about cooperation in political and economical field did not materialized and the contacts were limited mostly to the culture only. In December 1942 Blaž Lorković, the old member of Ustaša movement and brother of the Croatian Minister of Foreign Affaires, was apointed as Croatian minister to Bratislava. The published documents shows how Lorković saw the situation in Slovakia before the Slovak National Uprising.
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