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Oriental Institute in Sarajevo is a research institution with a long tradition of research, presentation and archiving of manuscripts in the Oriental-Islamic languages, with particular interest of history and culture of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Ottoman Empire rule. His field of activity is very broad and ranges from historical, political, ideological, religious, social, literary and linguistic, all the way up to the artistic themes. This paper aims and presenting the Oriental Institute in Sarajevo as an institution of cultural and historical heritage. We believe that the Institute can rightly bear the title of the institution of memory, because his primary mission is keeping and archiving written material in the Oriental-Islamic languages, and interpretation and presentation of the former to the scientific and general public. In this way the Institute is undoubtedly involved in the preservation and creation of cultural memory and the construction of identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and its people. Special attention is paid to the semantics and semiotics of tragedy of the Oriental Institute, and to the position of the Institute in general semiosphere of suffering in Sarajevo during the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina. We tried to offer the interpretation of the symbolism of the tragedy of Oriental Institute, and underline the importance of keeping the memories of this tragedy.
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Divan edebiyatında manzum ve mensur bütün eserlere besmeleyle başlanır. Bunun yanında divanların ve mesnevilerin girişinde besmele ile ilgili bazı hususiyetlerin anlatıldığı besmele şiirleri mevcuttur. Kur’an-ı Kerim’de bir sure hariç bütün surelerin başında yer alan ve aynı zamanda bir ayet de olan besmele, Hz. Muhammed’in her işe besmele ile başlamayı öğütleyen hadisinin etkisiyle, divan şairleri tarafından rağbet görmüş ve besmelenin eserin başına yazılması bir gelenek halini almıştır. Arap edebiyatında çok sayıda besmele risalesi ve besmele şerhi yazılmıştır. Ancak Türk edebiyatında müstakil besmele şiiri yazma geleneği, Nizâmî ve Molla Câmî’nin etkisiyle başlamıştır. Konunun tamamıyla besmeleye ayrıldığı bu şiirler, karakteristik ve orijinal özellikler gösteren, kendine has bir kompozisyonu olan ve tıpkı tevhid şiirleri, münacatlar veya na‘tlar gibi bir tür olarak algılanabilecek “besmele” şiirleridir. Önce besmelenin genel özellikleri ve besmele söylemenin faydalarını anlatan şairler, daha sonra besmele ile ilgili çeşitli benzetmeler yaparlar. Besmeleyi anahtara, cennete, şiire, gül bahçesine ve hükümdara benzeten şairler, daha sonra harfler ve besmelenin renkleriyle ilgili tasavvurlara yer verirler. Boşnak divan şairleri; Mostarlı Ziyâî, Salâhî, Vahdetî ve Ebu’l-fazl Muhammed eserlerinde besmele manzumeleri yazmışlardır. Bu manzumeler, klasik besmele kompozisyonuna birebir uymaktadır. Özellikle Ziyâ’î ve Salâhî, geleneği takip ederek Câmi‘nin, besmele şerhi yolundan gitmişler ve sırasıyla besmelenin, faydaları, vasıfları, noktası ve harfleri, besmeleyi meydana getiren isimler, harekeler ve farklı renklerde yazılmış besmelelerle ilgili hayallere yer vermişlerdir.
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The first part of the paper presents some of the – according to our opinion – key motifs in the Qur’ānic story of Yusuf and Zulaikha, focusing in the tafsīr interpretation of those motifs, and indicating the differences between this story as presented in the Old Testament as well as in the Qur’ān. The second part of the paper indicates certain interesting common elements of Turkish narrative poems (mesnevî) that refer to the Most Beautiful Story and their presentation of the protagonists and a “reading” of their path. The third part of the paper uses examples of verses by Bosniac authors of the Ottoman period to indicate references and allusions to this very complex theme. This relatively small number of examples shows that our authors knew the Most Beautiful Story, both through Sacred Text and through its re-interpretations in narrative poems, through many striking motifs and situations, rethinking it, referring to its timelessness and its numerous important messages, sights, relations and situations, and re-constructing it through the poets’ personal experiences. We have also noted several integral short poetic forms referring to this story, various narrative poems about Yusuf and Zuleikha, references to Yusuf in the prophetic genealogy, Yusuf’s supra-natural beauty, the motifs of dreams, the envy of Yusuf’s brothers, the well, the auction, Yakub’s mourning of the lost son, Zuleikha’s love, Zuleikha’s act of enticing to sin and her subsequent remorse, the palace she built for Yusuf, the motif of Yusuf’s shirt, the testimony of a baby in a crib, and Yusuf in a dungeon – offering certain observations on the transposed meaning of these references and allusions.
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In this paper it is reexamined the claim that in Bosnia existed an Ottoman military-administrative independent war frontier province in the period 1448-1463. For the first time, the claim was formulated by Hazim Šabanović in 1955, while he repeated it in a series of his publications which were published in the interval 1957-1964. Besides, Šabanović emphatically concured with Mihailo J. Dinić’s proposal from 1940 according to which the Ottomans possessed no permanent strongholds in Bosnia proper before 1448. Two main arguments for his position Šabanović believed to have found in a charter issued by Herceg Stjepan Vukčić-Kosača on 19 July 1453 as well as in the summary register of the Skopje war frontier of 1455. In this paper it is undertaken a detailed philological-cumhistorical critical analysis of all known sources for the question. It is established that there was no any military-administrative independent war frontier in the Ottoman Bosnia in the period 1448-1463. Rather, the Ottoman strongholds in Bosnia in the given period belonged administratively and militarily to the war frontier province of Skoplje or Üsküp. Equally, it is demonstrated that the view how the earliest Ottoman strongholds in Bosnia predated a lot to 1448 is more sounder. The questions when and how Kingdom of Bosnia became the Ottoman tribute payer needs to be utterly reexamined once more.
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Ulama Beg’s administration of the Bosnian Sancak (1541-1547 / 48) is isolated in terms of two characteristics. First, Ulama Beg is one of the few Bosnian sancakbegis from the 16th century who did not establish any waqf in Bosnia and secondly, Ulama Beg for most of his tenure in Bosnia resided in Tešanj and not in Sarajevo. Nonetheless, based on the data one might come to the conclusion that Ulama and his sons had a serious intention to settle permanently in Bosnia. In the end, they left Bosnia though. On the basis of the finding of Ulama Beg’s waqf in Scutari as well as on the grounds that the Ulama Beg’s son Skender Beg owned property near Tikveš and Kavadarci. The author posits a thesis that Ulama Beg’s family went from Bosnia to the area of present-day Macedonia.
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In the second half of the 16th and in the first half of the 17th century Drniš was an important Ottoman town on the border with the Venetian Republic in the sancak of Klis, in nahiye Petrovo polje. It was founded on the trade route that linked the western parts of the Bosnian eyâlet via Knin to the Šibenik port on the Adriatic coast. The paper explores the urban development of Drniš based on information from the Ottoman archival materials (detailed and summary tax records, the records of mustahfizes in the Drniš fortress including their timars, documents from the collection Mühimme defterleri), Evliya Chelebi’s autograph and existing historiographical literature.
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This paper gives a shorter analysis of some data on janissaries in the region of Tuzla recorded as documents of fragmentary Sicill of Tuzla. These are preserved in the Tuzla Sharia court record of 1054-55/1644-46 in the Gazi Husrev Bey Library in Sarajevo, as a part of the bequest of Osman Asaf-ef. Sokolović. Many of the records, be it shorter or longer ones, give better insight into history of janissaries in region of Tuzla region during the Ottoman rule. There are numerous records of janissaries in the Sicill, and in some they are recorded as direct participants of an act, while in some they are recorded as witnesses of an act. Many records in which janissaries are mentioned indeed show that they were omnipresent in all spheres of life in the Tuzla region. What particularly is interesting is the fact that many janissaries are recorded with non-Muslim names of their fathers, and furthermore some of them count names of their non-Muslim ancestors far back. This clearly confutes theories of some Balkan nationalists that conversion to Islam meant the death of remembering of the past. Added to this, author in wider context puts janissary violence which actually was reflection of discontent of many groups in the society and was directed against government, and it is clear that this violence was not directed primarily against some ethno-religious groups protected by the Ottoman State. The paper is a small contribution to still clearly not known history of janissaries in Bosnia, but also to that of the other parts where Ottomans ruled.
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