The root derivation of psych nominals: Implications for competing overt and zero nominalizers
The root derivation of psych nominals: Implications for competing overt and zero nominalizers

Summary/Abstract: This paper is concerned with nominalizations derived from psychological verbs in English. Based on particular properties in their realization of argument structure, which have long been noticed in the literature, I will argue that in a syntax-based approach to word formation such as Distributed Morphology these nominals must be derived from the psychological root alone and cannot include any event structure. This contrasts with non-psych nominals, which more readily include verb event structure. I will show that this difference lies in the different ontological status of the two kinds of roots. Furthermore, psychological verbs and their special roots allow us to conclude that there is no structural difference between derived nominals (based on Latinate suffixes such as -al, -ance, -ation, -ion, and -ment) and zero-derived nominals, whose suffix is covert. A clear difference, however, is posited between these nominals and those based on -ing.

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