DPC BOSNIA DAILY: Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)
Bosnia Daily: January 9, 2015 – Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)
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Bosnia Daily: January 9, 2015 – Constitutional And Governance Reforms In Bosnia and Herzegovina (II)
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This paper investigates issues relating to religious education in public school system in the Republic of Croatia. It focuses mainly on Catholic Catechism in public school, due to the fact that population of Croatia is predominantly Catholic and the fact that Croatia has entered into international accords with Holy See. Paper particularly analyzes and describes instances of discrimination of nonreligious school children and criticizes the fact that no alternative education is provided to such children, at least in the first three grades of elementary schools. Finally, the paper offers certain recommendations to mitigate existing problems and to eliminate discrimination from public school system of the Republic of Croatia.
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Pitanje javnosti rada Ustavnog suda, koje je izazvalo tako veliku polemiku kako među samim sudijama Ustavnog suda tako i u profesionalnim krugovima i medijskoj javnosti, verovatno da nije zasluživalo veliki prostor i vreme koje je potrošeno da bi se razjasnilo o čemu je zapravo reč. Ustavna garancija javnosti rasprave pred Ustavnim sudom, uz opšteprihvaćene standarde za isključenje javnosti (koji se odnose na zaštitu interesa nacionalne bezbednosti, javnog reda i morala u demokratskom društvu, kao i zaštitu interesa maloletnika ili privatnosti učesnika u postupku), odnosila se oduvek samo na javno raspravljanje učesnika u postupku pred Ustavnim sudom. Iznenada, neoprezno i bez dovoljne svesti o posledicama, Poslovnik o radu Ustavnog suda iz 1991. godine neočekivano je javnost uveo i na sve redovne sednice Ustavnog suda, na kojima se nije odvijala javna rasprava, već se na njima obavljalo većanje i glasanje sudija o predloženoj odluci. Moguće je pretpostaviti da se to dogodilo usled nedovoljnog razlikovanja faze većanja od ostalih faza u postupku odlučivanja Ustavnog suda u predmetima klasične ustavnosudske nadležnosti u normativnoj kontroli. Nažalost, iako je takva nezakonita praksa trajala godinama, neprirodnost slike „direktnog prenosa svega onog što se događalo na sednici Suda“ ili sudije koji učestvuje u većanju i glasanju, a svoja gledišta iznosi pred predstavnicima medija i svoja uverenja brani uz nadzor televizijskih kamera, nije time bila manje upečatljiva.
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The article analyzes the issue of achieving social rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the amount of cash benefits for people with disabilities in accordance with Entity regulations on social security, veteran - disability protection, protection of civilian victims of war, and pension and disability insurance. In fact, despite the constitutional provisions on guaranteeing social rights and prohibition of discrimination, and international commitments of the state and all levels of governments, which have become valid upon entry into force of the UN Convention on the Rights of disabled persons, and other international legal documents pertaining to insure social rights in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the most vivid example of inequality is visible in the treatment of persons with disabilities by the government. This inequality is reflected in set conditions and the amount of cash benefits, as well as other rights guaranteed which is done in accordance with cause of disability, but should be done according to estimate of needs of persons with disabilities (regardless of the cause of the disability) for more effective inclusion in society.
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The author discusses the issue of equality and inequality in achieving rights from pension and disability insurance in Bosnia and Herzegovina through the analysis of the set conditions related to insurance and age limits regarding the rights to old-age pension in accordance with the general provisions on the pension and disability insurance, and special regulations on the retirement in both entities. A special problem of inequality occur due to differences in incomes of pensioners, beneficiaries of the entity’s pension found institutions and disability insurance, for the persons who were granted retirement before the war, with a single insurance found institution and the single economic space. This is an open problem that burdens the insurance institution in the entities. In the conclusions and recommendations, the author suggests modalities to resolve the issues of inequality by strengthening the role of state government levels.
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Isprepletenost etničke i religijske pripadnosti u BiH se direktno odražava na položaj religijskih manjina u BiH. Zbog takve karakteristične strukture, gdje se svi napori usmjeravaju ka pružanju jednakog tretmana trima većinskim religijama, prava religijskih manjina ostaju zapostavljena. Iako su na snazi mnogi pravni propisi koji garantiraju jednak položaj svih religijskih zajednica, religijske manjine se svakodnevno stavljaju u obespravljen položaj. Na primjer, to je vidljivo iz činjenica da Ustav Republike Srpske navodi Srpsku pravoslavnu crkvu kao crkvu srpskog naroda i drugih naroda pravoslavne vjere, te da religijske manjine nisu zastupljene u Međureligijskom vijeću BiH. Pored toga, obespravljenost religijskih manjina dolazi do izražaja prilikom religijskog obrazovanja u školama, gdje u većini slučajeva učenici nisu u mogućnosti da pohađaju religijsko obrazovanje po svom izboru, nego zbog okolnosti pristaju na vjersku pouku većinske religije. Problemi sa legislativom u BiH, kao što su neharmoniziranost, te siromašna zakonska zaštita od diskriminacije, samo dodatno doprinose marginalizaciji religijskih manjina u društvu. Zbog pojedinih ustavnih odredbi, gdje se povlašteni položaj daje određenoj religiji, te uske povezanosti religije i politike, BiH sve više daje utisak polusekularne države, u kojoj se za vođstvo takmiče tri većinske religije. Iz svega navedenog je očito da bi vlasti BiH trebale poduzeti različite mjere kako bi religijske manjine zaštitile od diskriminacije. Prvi korak ka tome je ukinuti odredbu Ustava Republike Srpske, kojom se daje povlašteni položaj Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi. Dalje, religijske manjine treba da budu zastupljene u organima Međureligijskog vijeća u BiH. Aktivnim djelovanjem Međureligijskog vijeća mogao bi se znatno poboljšati položaj religijskih manjina u društvu. Pored toga, vlasti BiH bi trebale poduzeti korake kako bi harmonizirali i ojačali zakone vezane za zaštitu od krivičnog djela poticanja na mržnju. Iako krivična djela počinjena iz mržnje prema religijskim manjinama nisu česta pojava u BiH, ipak stručnjaci za ljudska prava su ukazali na njihovo postojanje. Stoga, harmonizacija zakonodavstva bi znatno olakšala sudijama i tužiocima sankcioniranje krivičnog djela poticanje na mržnju, što bi doprinijelo konzinstentnosti sudske prakse, a time i efektivnijoj zaštiti i prevenciji od sličnih zločina. Naposljetku, jedna od ključnih stvari za uklanjanje diskriminacije religijskih manjina u BiH jeste izmjena dosadašnjeg načina religijskog obrazovanja u školama. Umjesto vjerske pouke o samo jednoj vrsti religije, učenici treba da se educiraju o različitim kulturama i religijama. Kao što je prethodno navedeno, zbog okolnosti, škole su ograničene u pogledu pružanja vrste religijskog obrazovanja, tako da bi ovakva opcija bila prikladna za učenike svih vjeroispovijesti, kod kojih bi se ujedno i razvijala svijest o važnosti tolerancije i ravnopravnosti u društvu.
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- Povezivanje geografije i ekonomije, koje se postiže regionalnim integracijama, donosi brojne prednosti povećanjem međuzavisnosti između užih regiona i smanjivanjem njihovih tendencija ka autarihičnosti. - Teoretski model nodalno-funkcionalne regionalizacije je značajno poremećen u slučaju dezintegracije bivše Jugoslavije, kao dijela regiona Jugoistočne Evrope, a posebno unutar Bosne i Hercegovine kao subregiona. - Drastiščan pad GDP-a najbolji je dokaz za ovakav zaključak, pošto to nije uzrokovano samo ratom, nego i vještačkim podjelama nekada konzistentnih regiona. - Bazični ekonomski indikatori za Bosnu i Hercegovinu, kao što su GDP per capita, stopa nezaposlenosti, struktura privrede, odnos uvoza i izvoza i drugi, znatno su lošiji od većine zemalja u tranziciji, uprkos značajnoj pomoći međunarodne zajednice, što je direktna posljedica političke podjele na dva entiteta i dezintegrisane četiri bivše makroregije. - Procesi ekonomskih integracija na nivou Bosne i Hercegovine, bivše Jugoslavije i regiona Jugoistočne Evrope mogu se odvijati paralelno, mada su pomaci od užih ka širim regionima prirodni put. - Na nivou Bosne i Hercegovine najveća prepreka usklađivanju geografije i ekonomije je postojanje dva entiteta sa velikom samostalnošću i autarhičnim tendencijama, što dovodi do slabih centralnih institucija i nepostojanja jedinstvene strategije ekonomskog razvoja. - Brža ekonomska integracija regiona bivše Jugoslavije u interesu je svih novih samostalnih država koje su iza nje nastale, zbog komplementarnosti resursa, tradicije i nepostojanja jezičnih barijera.
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Član 5 Ustava Bosne i Hercegovine regulira instituciju Predsjedništva BiH. Predsjedništvo Bosne i Hercegovine se sastoji od tri člana: jednog Bošnjaka i jednog Hrvata, koji se svaki biraju neposredno sa teritorije Federacije, i jednog Srbina, koji se bira neposredno sa teritorije Republike Srpske. Članovi Predsjedništva biraju se neposredno u svakom entitetu, tako da svaki glasač glasa za popunjavanje jednog mjesta u Predsjedništvu Bosne i Hercegovine. Najupadljivija karakteristika Predsjedništva BiH je da je to institucija sastavljena od tri člana, a ne jedinstvena izvršna funkcija. Tročlano Predsjedništvo, kao i druge državne institucije u BiH, kreirane su tako da se dijeli moć između tri konstitutivna naroda, da ni u jednom državnom organu predstavnik bilo kojeg konstitutivnog naroda nema prevlast. Ovaj dio Ustava izražava etničku dimenziju unutrašnjeg uređenja države Bosne i Hercegovine i gotovo isključivo se bavi postojanjem i djelovanjem tri „konstitutivna naroda“, ili tri etničkovjerske skupine, Bošnjaka, Hrvata i Srba. U tom dijelu „Ostali“ narodi, kao i „građani“, mada se spominju u Preambuli Ustava BiH, praktično su ostali izvan domašaja ustavne regulacije. Dakle, dva su glavna problema današnjih izbora članova Predsjedništva BiH: 1. U Predsjedništvo mogu biti izabrani samo pripadnici konstitutivnih naroda i na taj način se isključuju (diskriminiraju) „Ostali“. Znači, „Ostali“ nemaju pasivno biračko pravo, kao jedno od osnovnih političkih prava građana u savremenim demokracijama. Dok je aktivno biračko pravo opšte, pasivno biračko pravo je ograničeno. 2. Kombinacija teritorijalnih i etničkih propisa isključuje (diskriminira) Bošnjake i Hrvate iz Republike Srpske i Srbe u Federaciji BiH da budu izabrani u Predsjedništvo BiH, ali i da glasaju za člana Predsjedništva svoje etničke grupe, tako da se aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo uskraćuje za oko 45% građana BiH. Takvim pravilom se samo pripadnici određene etničke grupe mogu smatrati potpuno lojalnim građanima entiteta, koji mogu braniti njegove interese. Prema tome, postoji diskriminacija u oba entiteta sva tri konstitutivna naroda: Bošnjaka, Srba i Hrvata, kao i nacionalnih manjina, a posebno se diskriminiraju građani Bosne i Hercegovine, jer nemaju ista politička prava u izbornom procesu na cijeloj teritoriji BiH. Slijedi da je ugrožen princip jednakosti građana u pogledu pristupa najvažnijim državnim funkcijama. Na osnovu toga se može zaključiti da izbori za Predsjedništvo BiH nisu u potpunosti slobodni izbori i da ograničavaju aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo, kao i neke od osnovnih principa demokratskih izbora, jednake mogućnosti i puno učešće građana u političkim procesima. Presudom Evropskog suda za ljudska prava u predmetu Sejdić i Finci protiv Bosne i Hercegovine, sistem izbora članova Predsjedništva BiH i Doma naroda Parlamentarne skupštine BiH proglašen je diskriminirajućim u odnosu na „Ostale“. Problem diskriminacije Srba u Federaciji i Bošnjaka i Hrvata u Republici Srpskoj nije odlučen u pomenutoj presudi. Iako u Katalogu ljudskih prava koja sadrži Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine nije izričito nominirana lista političkih prava, s obzirom na međunarodne standarde koji su sadržani u Ustavu, može se zaključiti da su garancijama političkih prava obuhvaćena prvenstveno: prava koja uključuju slobodu mišljenja, savjesti i vjere; slobodu izražavanja i štampe; aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo, kao i pravo na demokratske izbore; zabrana diskriminacije u skladu sa članom 2 (4) Ustava BiH. To znači da građani pod uvjetima opće jednakosti i bez diskriminacije po bilo kojem osnovu, imaju pravo da biraju i da budu birani, te da bez ikakve diskriminacije upravljaju javnim poslovima i da im bude, pod jednakim uslovima, dostupno vršenje javne službe. Iako bi se iz ovoga moglo zaključiti da izborno pravo, kao i druga politička prava, pripadaju građanima u Bosni i Hercegovini na cijelom njenom teritoriju i bez bilo kakve diskriminacije, ipak postoji nesklad i kolizija ovih ustavnih odredbi u odnosu na ustavne norme koje uređuju pitanja izbora, između ostalog, i Predsjedništva BiH.
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The author analyzes the introduction of health education, including sex education, into the system of compulsory primary and secondary education in the Republic of Croatia, from the first initiative of the late 90s to the present time. The author writes about public controversy between traditionally conservative and liberally progressive social forces regarding the right of parents, who hold certain world views to make independent decisions about the education of children, and, on the other hand, the constitutional obligation of the State to ensure children's right to a full and harmonious development of their personalities. The issue is addressed from the perspective of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, which has already dealt with this issue, and the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia, which emphasizes the importance of democratic, pluralistic approach in the creation of educational contents, especially when it comes to sexual education of children. How to put an end to the controversy, whose intent is to dispute the school's program of sex education on the basis of religious and/or political beliefs, still is an open question.
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The process of constitutional reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina has so far been driven without a serious participation and acceptance of the recommendations of civil society organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although the Council of Ministers of BiH has brought documents that regulate and facilitate the participation of citizens, civil society organizations and all other stakeholders in the process of drafting any legal act of public interest, the implementation of these documents has not been applied in practice. Over the past two years, a number of civil society organizations have been active in drafting possible constitutional solutions in accordance with the principles of the European Union and international standards in the field of constitutional law and human rights. Unfortunately, given the exclusion of civil society from the process of public consultation on constitutional reform and, ultimately, purely formal implementation, the prepared proposals were not taken into account by the competent institutions. Accordingly, the Delegation of the European Parliament for relations with Western Balkan countries has published a joint statement with the Joint Committee for European Integration of the Parliamentary Assembly of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to which constitutional reform, as a key reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina, must involve and engage civil society in this process in order to achieve the efficiency, fairness and functionality of the state.
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(B/H/S edition) The Justice Network in BiH is an informal network of 64 non-governmental organizations established in January 2010 to support development of efficient, independent, and accountable judiciary, in order to instigate more efficient protection of human rights and establishment the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). To this end, the Network launched monitoring of the implementation of UPR recommendations in BiH in the same year. During the last 4 years, i.e. in period from January 2010 to March 2014, based on the monitoring, evaluation and research activities conducted by the members of the Network gathered around the Working Group for monitoring the implementation of UPR recommendations, we have published 4 annual reports on implementation of UPR recommendations pertaining to the justice sector. The reports were submitted to an extensive number of the justice sector stakeholders and the international community. The process of monitoring and evaluation was based on the methodology which included the identification of measurable indicators for each UPR recommendation, data collection and processing in a period of 6 to 8 months, and drafting the report and additional recommendations for the local decision-makers to ensure that UPR recommendations are adequately and timely implemented. This summary, which was the subject of extensive consultations within and outside the Network, was prepared on the basis of the aforementioned reports.
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(English edition) The Justice Network in BiH is an informal network of 64 non-governmental organizations established in January 2010 to support development of efficient, independent, and accountable judiciary, in order to instigate more efficient protection of human rights and establishment the rule of law in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). To this end, the Network launched monitoring of the implementation of UPR recommendations in BiH in the same year. During the last 4 years, i.e. in period from January 2010 to March 2014, based on the monitoring, evaluation and research activities conducted by the members of the Network gathered around the Working Group for monitoring the implementation of UPR recommendations, we have published 4 annual reports on implementation of UPR recommendations pertaining to the justice sector. The reports were submitted to an extensive number of the justice sector stakeholders and the international community. The process of monitoring and evaluation was based on the methodology which included the identification of measurable indicators for each UPR recommendation, data collection and processing in a period of 6 to 8 months, and drafting the report and additional recommendations for the local decision-makers to ensure that UPR recommendations are adequately and timely implemented. This summary, which was the subject of extensive consultations within and outside the Network, was prepared on the basis of the aforementioned reports.
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This report has been prepared by independent Hungarian intellectuals who wish to inform the Hungarian and international public as well as European institutions about the severe harm that the Orbán regime governing Hungary since 2010 has caused in the fields of education, science, culture, and the media. The reason for preparing the present report is that the acts of the successive Orbán governments consistently run counter to and consciously violate the fundamental principles, values, and norms of the European Union, not only as regards the rule of law and political and social rights, but also in the case of the cultural areas discussed here. In Hungary, important European values are being jeopardised, including cultural diversity, scientific and artistic autonomy, the respect for human dignity, access to education and culture, conditions for social mobility, the integration of disadvantaged social groups, the protection of cultural heritage, and the right to balanced information, as well as democratic norms like ensuring social dialogue, transparency and subsidiarity. By presenting the activities of the Orbán regime in the fields of culture, education, research, and the media, we provide information about areas little known to the international public. With our report, we wish to draw attention to the fact that an autocratic system has been constructed and consolidated in Hungary with the money of EU taxpayers and with the financial and political support of EU institutions. This system creates a worrying democratic deficit and severe social problems, while it also causes irreparable harm in the fields of education, science, and culture. The authors of the report are leading researchers, lecturers, and acknowledged experts, including several academicians, professors, heads of departments, and a former Minister of Culture. The undertaking was initiated and coordinated by the Hungarian Network of Academics
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In this final chapter, we briefly summarise the main points raised in the preceding chapters, in order to locate overlaps and common insights. Readers accustomed to turning to the Conclusion right away, pondering subsequently whether it makes sense to read the whole volume, therefore face a much easier task. All contributions are recapitulated here, and we leave it to the reader whether to delve deeper. The book consists basically of two main parts: The first one includes chapters covering the issue of conflict between law and politics on the domestic level, while the second one is concerned with the international realm. As regards the former, our contributors predominantly deal with the problem of legitimacy of the kind of judicial activity whose impact extends well beyond mere passing decisions on individual legal cases; in particular, they focus on the activity of the Czech Constitutional Court.
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The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina is, in its specific legal form, a faithful reflection of the general principles defined by the Dayton Constitution that calcified the ethnic division of the country. The interdisciplinary approach to the constitutional determinants present in the election law also shows clear features of the political consciousness that brought it about. The first part of the article tries to reconstruct the dominant political and social idea behind the election law. The Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina is an example of unfinished constitutional and state architecture, especially in the form of unfinished ethno-national fixism and related human rights issues. The ethno-national paradigm, evident since the first multi-party elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina, emphasized ethnic grouping more than the electoral process itself. The concept of “statistical nationalization” will be analyzed as well. The second part of the article confronts the dominant idea of the election law of Bosnia and Herzegovina with certain aspects of political theory. The constitutional category of constituents is privileged over the category of “Others”, which is a brutal example of discriminatory practice, which, as expected, is not in line with any normative document related to human rights. Even from an ethno-national perspective, the said Election Law is incomplete. Furthermore, the inherent limits of the consociational framework were analyzed. The third part of the article analyzes the limitations of ethno-partitocracy, showing that in one such system, the individual perspective is almost non-existent. The outlines of critical theory indicate the necessity of the alteration of certain social realities and the creation of a social model sensitive to diversity but directed towards the developed democratic achievements.
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1. Legal Aspects of the Restriction of Human Rights and Freedoms During the COVID-19 Crisis. 2. How did Serbia Unite Chomsky, Mironov and Fukuyama? Engaging with the New Despotism. 3. Economic Consequences of Covid-19 for Bosnia and Herzegovina. 4. European Solidarity in the Time of Pandemic.
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1. Pravni aspekti ograničenja prava i sloboda stanovništva u vrijeme krize izazvane pandemijom COVID-19. 2. Kako je Srbija ujedinila Chomskog, Mironova i Fukuyamu? Razmatranje novog despotizma. 3. Ekonomske posljedice pandemije COVID-19 po Bosnu i Hercegovinu. 4. Europska solidarnost u vrijeme pandemije.
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As an EU member, Romania must applies the rules of the Union in all areas covered by it, including home affairs, in order to provide Romanian citizens and European citizens with the assurance of fundamental rights and freedoms. This paper aims to address Romania’s obligation to apply EU law in the police field from two perspectives: The advantages of a uniform framework for the application of regulations on this subject, but also the challenges resulting from the need to include them at national level. As a novelty element and with the conviction that the academic environment is a good one for debates, I intend to integrate in the proposed paper information obtained from the dialog conducted through artificial intelligence in the form of ChatGPT, As a result of the controversies raised in the academic world and to identify whether artificial intelligence of this type can formulate pertinent arguments regarding the application of EU home affairs legislation in Romania.
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The present study aims to bring some conceptual clarifications regarding the connection that exists between democracy, education and well-being, a connection that is not at all apparent, but which structures in the depths of society the way of life and well-being of a people. In today's society, freedom is not lacking, but free people are missing. People for whom freedom is assumed, understood and respected; represents the supreme social model. Democracy emphasizes more than the freedom, the spiritual and material standard of a people. Democracy radiographs are eloquent indicators of mental and material well-being. They reveal the level of civic culture and the quality of public service. Not every power resulting from the people means democracy, but only that which does not impose arbitrary laws, which presupposes a minimum of freedom of thought and opinion. By the rule of law we mean all the principles and procedures that guarantee the freedom of the individual and his participation in political life.In my opinion, the only realistic and sustainable way to maintain and promote a democratic political regime and a liberal economic regime, i.e. a liberal democracy, is the way to educate citizens and especially specialists from the state apparatus and universities in terms of understanding the mechanisms of operation of democracy as well as regarding the shortcomings and shortcomings of a democratic system.
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