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Pojęcie dyplomacji publicznej pojawiło się w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych w latach sześćdziesiątych XX wieku. Dyplomacja publiczna zaczyna się jednak znacznie wcześniej, bo właściwie już w połowie XIX stulecia. Historia tego zjawiska pokazuje, jak zmieniały się sposoby prowadzenia polityki zagranicznej i w jaki sposób wykorzystywano w niej „miękkie” zasoby państw. Tytułowe zagadnienie prezentowanej książki poświęcone jest nie tylko rozwojowi dyplomacji publicznej, lecz także zagranicznej polityce historycznej jako jej elementowi składowemu w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, w tym także w Polsce. Autorami Historii w dyplomacji publicznej są pracownicy i współpracownicy Zakładu Komunikowania Międzynarodowego Instytutu Studiów Międzynarodowych Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego. Zakład ten, którym kieruje prof. Beata Ociepka, już od niemal piętnastu lat prowadzi badania nad dyplomacją publiczną, stając się najbardziej wyspecjalizowanym ośrodkiem w tej dziedzinie w Polsce.
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Studium Grzegorza Forysia to pierwsza tak kompleksowa próba opisu i wyjaśnienia protestów rolników w Polsce w okresie transformacji ustrojowej. Mamy do czynienia z dziełem dojrzałym, stanowiącym ważny przyczynek do najnowszej historii społeczeństwa polskiego. Książkę należy ulokować na przecięciu kilku przynajmniej subdyscyplin socjologii: socjologii transformacji czy szerzej – zmiany społecznej, socjologii polityki, wreszcie socjologii ruchów społecznych. Jest to z całą pewnością praca, która wpisuje się w debatę nad zasadniczymi mechanizmami przeobrażeń poszczególnych kategorii społeczeństwa polskiego w procesach postkomunistycznej transformacji. z recenzji prof. dr. hab. Krzysztofa Gorlacha
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This book follows the successful titles The Colourful and the Green: Chapters on Voluntary Simplicity and The Half-Hearted and the Hesitant: Chapters on Ecological Luxury. The author poses the question of why, at a time of continuing devastation of nature, people’s interest in nature conservation has been decreasing. Are the media to blame, or is our numbness toward ecological problems perhaps rooted in our mental makeup that tends to supress unpleasant realities? The author also wants to find out why some people have remained faithful to nature. To get to the answers, she applies sociological, philosophical, psychological, and theological perspectives. An unexpected question then arises that may surprise some readers: Why should we actually protect nature when it can take care of itself? It is not weak – it is strong and cruel. Librová’s students Vojtěch Pelikán, Lucie Galčanová, and Lukáš Kala interview the children of “the Colourful,” too: Have they inherited their parents’ modest lifestyle? Version with Bohdan Lacina’s illustrations.
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In October, protests broke out in Lebanon following a proposal to introduce new taxes. The demonstrations, which were unprecedented in uniting members of all religious groups in Lebanon and led to the resignation of Prime Minister Saad al-Hariri, increased the chances the state will make economic reforms and fight corruption. The protesters demand new elections, which are highly unlikely because Hezbollah holds the dominant position in the government and has rejected this idea. A stable situation in Lebanon is in Poland’s interest as it provides aid to the country and Polish soldiers take part in the UNIFIL mission.
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W październiku w Libanie wybuchły protesty wywołane propozycją wprowadzenia nowych podatków. Bezprecedensowy charakter demonstracji, które zjednoczyły członków wszystkich grup wyznaniowych w Libanie i doprowadziły do rezygnacji premiera Sada al-Haririego, zwiększa szansę na reformy gospodarcze i walkę z korupcją. Protestujący domagają się nowych wyborów, które jednak są mało prawdopodobne ze względu na sprzeciw dominującego w rządzie Hezbollahu. Ustabilizowanie sytuacji leży w interesie Polski, która przekazuje Libanowi środki na pomoc rozwojową, a jej żołnierze biorą udział w misji UNIFIL.
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Russia runs disinformation campaigns against the EU using traditional media and the internet, including social media. Yet, the effectiveness of the fight against Russian disinformation by the Union and its Member States has so far been limited. These activities require strengthening at the international and national levels, as well as increasing public awareness of the use of media.
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Rosja prowadzi kampanie dezinformacyjne przeciw Unii Europejskiej, wykorzystując media tradycyjne oraz internet, w tym media społecznościowe. Skuteczność zwalczania rosyjskiej dezinformacji przez UE i państwa członkowskie była dotychczas ograniczona. Działania te wymagają wzmocnienia na poziomie międzynarodowym i krajowym, a także zwiększenia świadomości społecznej na temat korzystania z mediów.
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Knjiga kolumni Tomislava Jakića sugerira istinitost činjenice pretočene u naslov: Nisu svi (bili) slijepi. Pred onim što se dešava unaokolo po svijetu i kod kuće. Nisu slijepi ni svi oni kojima se serviraju laži i neistine pored zdravih očiju ni oni koji te laži i neistine šire – novinarski. Mnogi među “kupcima ponuđenih magli” vjerojatno i slute da su istine negdje drugdje, ali teško pronalaze dokaze za ispravnost tih svojih šutljivih slutnji. Podjednako tako nije malo ni novinara koji razumijevaju da su plaćeni da bi širili neistine, ali prodavanje duše nije više ni blizu stvar profesionalne časti kao nekada, već nova realnost u cijelom svijetu. Oni među novinarima koji ne pristaju na tu realnost i znaju što se može znati, to nastoje da artikuliraju na pošten i zanatski jasan način. Takvi, iako su daleko od većine, nisu spremni na prodaju vlastitog ljudskog i profesionalnog digniteta. Oni i dalje više vjeruju vlastitim očima, činjenicama, iskustvu i pameti nego ciljanim nalozima. Nažalost, i u nekada istinski respektabilnim medijima na cijeloj planeti sve ih je manje. Uostalom, izmanipulirane “istine” odavno nisu tek namjenska piljarska laž, već prije cilj novinarstva projektiranog interesa. [...]
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The complex nature of the threat of terrorism caused by groups active in North Africa and the Sahel requires effective information to prevent, detect, and eventually investigate all criminal activities related to their areas of interest. In the Maghreb-Sahel region, more than in any other place, the boundary between the two main Salafi-jihadi groups – al-Qaeda and ISIS – is porous at best and non-existent at worst. While borders between these Salafist religious spheres can be hard to define, they are tangled with contextual and interest-based factors, thereby transforming the regional jihadi ecosystem into a challenging mosaic. The main aim of this research is to map the communication capabilities of terrorist groups in North Africa and the Sahel, taking into consideration the local context as well as to identify and categorise the specific means used to disseminate propaganda in each country / region by contextualising the material produced in / for / about African Jihadism by both al-Qaeda and ISIS groups. Bearing in mind that terrorism functions as a communicative act, the groups’ multilevel communication capabilities are a core element of the jihadi phenomenon in North Africa and the Sahel.
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This paper focuses on Russia’s strategies in Africa. The first ever Russia-Africa summit, co-hosted in October 2019 by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi in Sochi, was presented by both Russian and international media as a milestone in Russia’s return to the African continent. Leaders and delegations of the vast majority of African states met with Russian President Vladimir Putin, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, and other Russian representatives to discuss possible projects of cooperation between their respective countries. The summit ranked among the largest of recent Africa-partner summits (EU-Africa, China-Africa, US-Africa, and Japan-Africa). For example, Russia was able to welcome more state delegations than the US at their summit. The declared initiatives of cooperation appeared impressive, ranging from nuclear energy, oil and gas, to automobile production and financial loans for various fields. This meeting sparked numerous claims by both Western and Russian media that Russia is a key player in the region. There are plans for organizing another summit in 2022.
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Misinformation and disinformation disseminated online are a relatively recent phenomena, as are initiatives developed to limit the effect of such content. Questions remain over the effectiveness of two key counter-measures, fact-checking and debunking. This report makes a start in examining best practice: what it is, who does it and how it might be evaluated. Today’s information environment is increasingly characterised by the spread of misinformation and disinformation. Misinformation refers to verifiably false information that is spread without any intent to mislead. Disinformation refers to the creation, presentation and dissemination of verifiably false information for economic gain or to intentionally deceive the public. Whether it be published in a news article or an online blog, broadcast from a newsroom or government press conference, misleading and false information is frequently produced and reproduced, both intentionally and unintentionally.
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This study deals with the growing trend of Russia’s use of historical propaganda to further its foreign policy goals. It contains chapters written by experts in the field in the respective countries of Estonia, Finland, Latvia and Poland. The methodological aspects of the project were discussed in detail during a seminar in Riga on 11 December 2018. It was agreed that, for the integrity of the compendium, at least the central theme should be commonly understood as Jowett and O’Donnell conceptualise it: propaganda is a deliberate and systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist. Its systematic nature requires the longitudinal study of its progress. Because the essence of propaganda is its deliberateness of purpose, considerable investigation is required to find out what this purpose is.
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The world has changed rapidly in recent months as a result of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on all areas of socio-economic life. The crisis directed, in a first phase, the efforts of the whole society in the direction of ensuring the public health, and later also towards the economic recovery by resuming the human activities. In this context, housing has been a point of stability and a starting point for all efforts, and access to adequate housing has proven its importance for ensuring the health and well-being of the population. The purpose of the research is to highlight a series of housing affordability problems pre-existent and new problems arising from the influence of the COVID-19 pandemic on the housing sector in Romania. The present research highlights pre-existing problems in the general picture of housing at the national level, how these issues condition access to adequate and affordable housing, the emergence of new risk groups in the population in terms of access to housing, highlights the impact of the pandemic on the ability of households to bear housing costs and proves that housing insecurity is exacerbated by the effects of the crisis. The analyzes used data provided by the National Institute of Statistics, Eurostat, the Quality of Life Research Institute as well as reports prepared by specialized European organizations.
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The recognized correlation between the growing spread of violent extremist and terrorist content on the Internet and online platforms and the significant increase of attacks inspired by these postings caused governments and security agencies to launch various countermeasures. These measures included removal of terrorist and violent extremist online content (or “deplatforming”), suspension of their social media accounts, hacking websites and pressuring social media companies to remove terrorist propaganda. Struggling to adjust to these countermeasures and sustain their online presence, terrorist and violent extremists moved from mainstream online platforms to alternative online channels including anonymous sharing portals and cloud services. The most popular archiving service used by various extremist and terrorist groups is the Internet Archive. While the few studies on hate speech and violent content on Internet Archive focused only on a certain type of content or a specific group, this study attempts to reveal a wide range of contents, groups and organizations who use this archive for sharing and promoting such contents. To examine the use of Internet Archive by various groups and organizations involved in violence, terrorism, hate speech, racism and neo-Nazism we applied several stages of data collection and analysis. The findings highlight an alarming volume of terrorist, extremist, and racist material on the Internet Archive. These findings are discussed in terms of ethical and practical implications.
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The special investigative means of using undercover investigators and collaborators has proven to be particularly useful in proving certain crimes, such as corruption offences, where the subjects involved have a high degree of intelligence and commit the crimes in a rather cautious manner so as to avoid the risk of detection. If the conduct of the undercover investigator’s or collaborator’s activity involves participation in certain activities within the meaning of Article 150 of the Romanian Code of Criminal Procedure, the prosecutor shall order by the same order by which he orders the use of the undercover investigator or collaborator or by a separate order the participation in these activities. It may happen that the undercover investigator or collaborator, in the course of the activities carried out, is in a situation where he is forced by circumstances to commit an act provided for by criminal law other than those for which he has been authorised by the prosecutor, otherwise there is a risk that the entire operation will be exposed. In these situations, the Romanian Code of Criminal Procedure does not provide for the possibility of committing such offences without the risk of criminal liability of the undercover investigator or collaborator, if there is none of the justifying or non-imputability grounds regulated in the Criminal Code, such as legitimate defence or state of necessity. There is a unanimous opinion in the Romanian literature that undercover investigators and collaborators must be held criminally liable as instigators of crimes committed by the persons under investigation and who were provoked to commit the acts in order to obtain evidence against them. In carrying out their duties, undercover investigators and collaborators may cause certain pecuniary or non-pecuniary damage to persons, whether they are connected to the criminal environment or are third parties. For example, an undercover investigator who is infiltrated into an organised criminal group must behave in a similar way to persons in that group in order to gain credibility with them and commit certain criminal offences, such as car theft. Or he accidentally causes certain damage to third parties at the criminal investigation in the course of his work. In such cases, the obligation to repair the damage caused to the injured party under the rules of tort law arises.
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Crime scene photography, part of forensic photography, knows several procedures. They are usually divided into two categories - general procedures and special procedures. In particular, the general shooting procedures, as their name suggests, are applicable and are carried out in all cases where research is carried out on the spot, and their importance is emphasized by this feature. This is also the reasoning for which, in this paper, I set out to present the first general procedure of forensic photography that takes place on the spot, namely orientation photography. In the presentation of this topic, I will approach in detail the description of this procedure and its membership in forensic photography, the criteria that must be met by the photography equipment, and some rules of execution that must be taken into account.
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In the Summer of 1966, older Los Angeles residents grew angry over the crowds of teens and young adults in the downtown area. Despite the fact that few services were offered to these young people who faced the possibility of being drafted in the Vietnam War, the older population decided that the first response to the overcrowding issue should be police intervention. In what is now regarded as a complete overreaction, the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) violently challenged, attacked, arrested, and dispersed thousands of young people who otherwise were not acting in a harmful manner. Where these young people would wind up, where they would go to deal with their issues, and their need for socialization was irrelevant. They were treated as if they had invaded the community and that their lives mattered little. In reaction to these violent clashes, singer/songwriter Stephen Stills penned what would be one of the most influential protest anthems of the Modern Era: “For What It’s Worth”. The purpose of this study is to show how this 1966 song was not only an instant hit, but also impacted activists over the past half-century, as it was covered by famous artists in diverse social reform movements, in protests, and even in a political party convention. This study will explore how this one protest song represents the overall impact of music on activist culture, and strives to inspire and inform readers about the power of music in activism.
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