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Danas i ovdje, ponovo se sa pijetetom i zadovoljstvom susrećemo sa poezijom jednog od najpoznatijih bosanskohercegovačkih pjesnika druge polovine 20. vijeka, koji nas je napustio početkom novog milenija, 2002. godine. Već do rata 1992. objavio je tridesetak knjiga poezije, koja se, naročito u svom prvom dijelu, odlikuje odlučnošću da se prekine sa poetikom tzv. socijalističkog reali - zma, prvenstveno stvaranjem i oblikovanjem nove poetske osjećajnosti, one koja će se odredbeno razlikovati od prethodnih, kako od ove zadato angažovane tako i od svih ranijih apstraktnih stereotipa senzibilnosti. Ovu poeziju, uglavnom slobodnog stiha i prividne srodnosti sa prozom, eksplicitno označava odlučna vizija budućnosti, dok stvaraoca, u svemu što čini u vlastitom životu jednako kao u onome što pjesnički uočava, prerađuje i pušta u svijet, označava buntovništvo, koje je i lično i usklađeno s vremenom. Samospoznajno, Sarajlić sebe višestruko definiše i kao pripadnika avangarde i kao novog trubadura. Buntovnik smatra da slijedi revoluciju na svim planovima, koje uvijek treba voditi dalje. Stoga je neupitna pjesnikova potreba da iskaže svoje “...gorko pravo/ da ne spava(m) kad svijetu prijete kuga ili rat” – i da svoje apriorno angažovanje proširi na plan cijelog svijeta (“Sarajevo”). Njegov konačni i neizmjenjivi antifašizam ponekad je u stihu imenovan i kao “komunizam”, a najpoznatija je komparacija “crven kao komunizam” (iz pjesme “Rođeni dvadeset treće, strijeljani četrdeset druge”) koja stavlja ideološku viziju u službu gorućih mladalačkih želja u ratu masakrirane generacije Sarajlićevog starijeg brata. Ali Sarajlić je pobunjenik protiv svih vrsta tzv. struktura konkretnog života, koje iziskuju i vrednuju poslušnost iznad traganja za novim idejama i novim oblicima življenja. Čitav život Kike Sarajlića obilježen je kažnjavanjem i izbacivanjem, od kulturno-umjetničkog društva do Saveza komunista.
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Prije nekoliko noći u Sarajevu je grupa od 10-15 mlađih muškaraca mučki napala gej i lezbijske aktivistice i aktiviste dok su hodajući ulicom pjevali “Ay Carmela”. Skandirali su: “Ubij pedere!” i “Pola stranci, pola pederi!”1 Napad je bio mučki jer je bio kukavički, pod okriljem mraka, kako samo fašizam umije da tuče. Na napad je policija, oglušujući se na pet telefonskih poziva, odgovorila, najblaže rečeno, ambivalencijom. Čuvari ispred Pred sjed ništva pobjegli su u sljepilo i nijemost pred nasiljem. Da je Izet Sarajlić kojim slučajem živ, volio bih vjerovati da bi mu ovakav upad fašističke i ksenofobne realnosti bio štof za pjesmu – trenutak u kojem u pjesmu “nahrupi život/ stihovi i bez autorovog uplitanja/ postaju poezija”. Vjerujem da bi se okomio i na “teoriju distance” po kojoj bi bilo prekasno govoriti u utorak o stvarima koje su se desile u ponedjeljak. Izet Sarajlić, moja je teza, stoji za dvije najvrjednije stvari u bosanskohercegovačkoj književnosti: antirasizam i žensko pismo. U dominantnoj antikomunističkoj narkozi i revizionizmu, kada svjedočimo rasparčavanju društvenosti tijela u javnom prostoru i uvođenju terora kao svakodnevne prakse, Sarajlića vrijedi konstantno čitati kao nekoga ko stoji iza jedne vrste humanije društvenosti iz perspektive ženskog pisma i antirasizma.
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Mada je pripadao prvoj generaciji pjesnika poslije Drugog svjetskog rata, koje je obilježilo ratno i poratno vrijeme, zajednički ideali, posebno u periodu obnove i izgradnje razrušene zemlje, Izet Sarajlić je, kako istinskom pjesniku i priliči, bio i ostao sam. Prve pjesme napisao je 1947., a objavio 1948. prvu knjigu, U susretu, 1949. godine. Uspomene na rat bile su najjači razlog što je u svojoj poeziji, sa željom da se rat ne ponovi, neprestano zagovarao mir. Onako kao što se, naglašenim intimizmom, pedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća, odupirao socrealističkoj, horukaškoj, udarničkoj i prekomjerno optimističkoj poeziji, isto tako se, potom, odupirao bezličnosti, hermetičnosti, nekomunikativnosti i uniformnosti modernističke poezije. A sve vrijeme je, samosvojnim senzibilitetom, branio čovjekovu osjećajnost, koja je bila izložena svakojakom nasilju, grubostima i otuđenosti, branio potrebu za iskrenošću, toplinom, ljubavlju, druženjem i prijateljevanjem. Umjesto vedre i vesele akcijske ili, kasnije, jezički eksperimentalne i hladne poezije, pisao je tankoćutnu, sivovikendaški sjetnu i elegičnu poeziju, te od pjesničkih početaka nadalje branio pjesnikovo pravo na tugu, kao što je, u tako naslovljenom tekstu, koji je preusmjerio poslijeratnu bosansko-hercegovačku kritiku, zapisao Ivan Fogl. Upravo njegove elegične i baladične pjesme, melanholične i sjetne tugovanke, kako među ranim tako i među kasnijim pjesmama, potvrđuju da ga je, usprkos podsticajnim uticajima Jesenjinove harmonično oblikovane duševnosti, Whitmanove lavine dugih, vitalističkih i čovjekoljubivih stihova, Prévertove anegdotične ljubavne lirike i Brechtove, jednostavnim riječima izricane, društvene kritike, trajno obilježila lirska atmosfera stražilovske linije pjesništva, od Branka Radičevića, preko Miloša Crnjanskog i Milana Dedinca do Stevana Raičkovića.
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Istraživanje prezentacije Andrićeva opusa u povijesti hrvatske književnosti može biti zanimljivo iz više razloga. Ponajprije jer se u okviru tog tipa analize mogu propitivati uvijek aktualna pitanja književnopovijesne metodologije koja se zorno očituju u razlikama pri predstavljanju pojedinih književnih činjenica u različitim povijestima književnosti. Naime, svaki povjesničar književnosti u svoj prikaz književne prošlosti “upisuje” vlastite metodološke (ali i druge) nazore zbog kojih i slika proučavanih (istih) pojava (književnih djela, opusa ili sustava) može biti više ili manje različita.
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The creation of a socialist society as a strategic and long-term objective, which, admittedly, was not only brought before the culture, remained unfulfilled throughout the entire socialist period, although certain socialist values eventually had become a part of everyday culture. These values included secularization, the cult of industrial work, the installation of the Party as the supreme authority in all fields of human activity and the like. The greatest achievements should definitely include significant reduction of illiteracy rate, construction of numerous schools, cultural centers, libraries and other cultural institutions. Also, this period saw the emergence of a number of periodicals covering cultural life, the opening of publishing companies, cinemas, cultural centers, which are all prerequisites for a successful cultural development of a modern society. The opening of the University of Sarajevo in 1949, as the most important educational institution in Bosnia and Herzegovina to this day, is highlighted as the culmination of institutional building. The foundations of contemporary cultural life in Bosnia and Herzegovina were precisely laid through cultural policy in the after the Second world War. The base that was created at that point was enriched over time in accordance with the possibilities and needs, to eventually become that what is available to the people at present day. On the other hand, adverse elements that cultural policy of socialist authorites had brought to the people in Bosnia and Herzegovina can not be ignored. First of all, the nationalization of the material base of cultural policy, which used to be private property, followed by the repressive policy over a part of cultural and intellectual elite that held the opposite ideological standpoints delivered a severe blow to independent cultural work and destroyed a part of the cultural and intellectual elite in this region. In addition, the direct control of the operation of cultural institutions and indirect control of the individual cultural work through decisions on funding, censorship and the like, provided for an ideological background for the entire cultural life of that period, and at the same time hampered independent initiative and independent work of cultural workers.
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One of the most representative commodities of the medieval and modern ceramic production are relief-decorated stove tiles, in which we can follow up the content and symbolism of decoration motifs as an evidence of material and spiritual culture at the time of their origin. From a technological point of view, it is possible to define the development of production procedures, both in the construction of tiles themselves, and in the construction of entire heating devices. However, problems arise when we try to find out how technological novelties and relief motifs have spread among stove builders. Apart from natural scientific analyses, which have long been used to solve this question (e. g. Loskotová–Hložek 2017), we also searched for the possibilities of analysing the relief decoration on tiles from a technological and not from an art historical perspective. For this purpose, we had to document the reliefs in order to obtain exact data, which were not yet provided by the standard methods of archaeological research.
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Hunting themes began to be depicted on relief-decorated stoves since the second half of the 15th century, when the tile iconography was enriched with motifs portraying prestigious social activities and individual themes were drawn from the everyday life of privileged social classes. Hunting was an integral part of noble style and a popular entertainment. Together with tournaments and accolades, it created the aristocratic culture. The popularity of hunting is evidenced by genre scenes from the hunting milieu, depicted in the form of woodcuts, illuminations and graphics, or in the form of painted, carved or sculpted decoration in the representative interiors of manorial and ecclesiastical residences and burgher houses. Attractive themes were associated not only with castles and mansions, as we would expect with regard to their tight connection with hunting grounds, but we know them also from towns and monasteries. This fact indicates that hunting was enjoyed not only by the uppermost social classes, namely the ruler and aristocracy, but also by wealthy patricians and clergymen. The spread of the motif among various social milieus, initiated by the effort to imitate the lifestyle of upper classes, increased the demand for this category of luxury goods. And production centres responded to this demand by their updated supply. The tiles with hunting decoration have been part of the manufacturing programme of ceramic workshops for about fifty years. Together with other scenes, they contributed to the adoption of cultural habits of high society.
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Seen from the perspective of analytical methods, the relief-decorated floor tiles exhibit both common and different technological traits when compared to the stove tile production. This finding can be best demonstrated on the sets of floor tiles from Brno. A surprising characteristic of medieval floor tiles is a very low proportion of temper in the clay body, which makes it completely different from the raw materials used in the stove-making workshop whose waste was found in the Veselá Street. In terms of technology, floor tiles resemble more the bricks. We can thus suppose that this commodity has been produced by brick makers. The location of brickworks in the territory of Brno is well known from written sources and archaeological excavations (Holub–Anton 2020). The results of analyses help us localise the two main places of clay extraction. The majority of floor tiles are probably made from raw materials acquired from terraces above the rivers Svitava or Ponávka (1st and 2nd material groups). These materials are characterised by a low temper content. Clay has been extracted in places adjacent to the southern edge of the town walls and in suburban areas north and northeast of the medieval town core – the different character of these locations might have caused small differences between groups 1 and 2. It can be generally said that fluvial sediments based on transported loess were historically considered a raw material suitable for the production of building ceramics. This statement was proved e. g. in a medieval brickworks uncovered by archaeological excavations in Brno-Královo Pole (Holub–Merta–Zůbek 2006, 45). These sediments cannot be macroscopically distinguished from primary loess deposits, so they can be generally confused with each other.
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Archaeological contexts and finds which evidence the pottery-making and stove-making production are always welcome because they provide a great deal of new information on local production. Even though Brno counts among towns which have been archaeologically investigated over a long period of time, only two sites were detected, so far, that can be associated with the activity of potters and stove builders. In the 1960s, Vladimír Nekuda uncovered a workshop in the area of what is now the capuchin monastery in the south-western part of the town. The workshop was operated here in the last quarter of the 15th and at the beginning of the 16th century. The 2015–2016 excavations in the north-western part of the historical town core of Brno between the Veselá and Besední Streets have yielded relics of two pottery kilns and plenty of production waste, which can be associated with a workshop that was probably operated here in the last third of the 15th century.
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